Suchergebnisse

Introduces a journal symposium (see abstracts of related articles) on the influence of pressure groups on politics in Belgium. The ambivalent character of the contribution of power groups to democracy is discussed, distinguishing explanations based on the pluralist tradition, according to which groups are channels to democracy, & elite theories, which stress the power of oligarchies in the democratic hierarchy. Subsequently, Ingrid Vanhoren's (1990) categorization of external (eg, cultural & structural situation) & internal (eg, financial power & organizational infrastructure) characteristics of groups is used to determine what renders some groups more powerful than others. It is argued that the characteristics of groups are related to structural logics of power. In postwar Belgium, dominant power structures include vertical pluralism or pillarization, pillar-crossing cleavages, neocorporatism, & postmaterialism. An attempt is made to contextualize the recent globalization processes within the framework of these structural logics of power. Adapted from the source document.

Power diff's & power motivation are analyzed in micro structures in a series of simulation studies, & in macro structures in field studies. The power distance reduction theory is used as a tool for this analysis. The theory consists of 14 hyp's; the core of the theory holds that persons tend to strive for reduction of power diff's between themselves & the more powerful, & that they will do so more strongly the smaller this diff is. These hyp's are strongly supported by the empirical data. It is concluded that certain societal & org'al structures provide favorable conditions for the so-called 'power learning'; that is for learning to shift from dysfunctional power relationships, such as blind formal or negative sanction power, toward more functional power, such as expert power; from power toward non-power influence, such as persuasion; also & specifically from large power diff's toward reduced power diff's. This 'power learning' is seen as an important target for work councils, Sch's, unions, etc. 2 Figures. Modified HA.

The existence of pol'al power often evokes a dilemma: On the one hand, pol'al power is considered necessary for attaining common goals; on the other hand, it causes a great deal of discontent on the part of the citizens. A rough classification is attempted with regard to the problems that are involved in pol'al power, to point to their causes & to discuss possible solutions. The problems that surround pol'al power seem to be brought about for the greater part by the generality of power; in other words, by a lack of specificity. Often the power is ill-adjusted to the goals of the members of the power system. Roughly speaking, this imperfect adjustment is manifested in 2 ways: (a) Those in power are not able to attain some of the objects of the members of the system. (b) Those in power pursue objects that are not endorsed by the members of the system. It is believed that better measuring instruments are required to check the use of power. It seems probable that this use of power is determined for a major part by the influence that is exercised on the authorities by persons & org's in society. Therefore, it is of major importance to find out who have a great deal influence & who have little. Investigation into this distribution of influence, therefore, is a kind of evaluation-res into the use of power. This res should be carried out by independent agencies. Modified HA.

An attempt to show how digraph-theory may be utilized in developing a soc network-theory, esp in the field of local power & influence. Some of the ways are indicated in which digraph-theory, which serves as a descriptive-explicative mathematical model, can be used to analyze componenets of theory of local power. Power is conceptualized as a system of SR. This presupposes in every local community a certain network of exchange ties. A mathematical description is sought of some of the properties of such a power-network. A mathematical model is used in the sense of a collection of definitions. The theory of graphs as a mathematical model in the study of local power configurations is, at least in the beginning, a descriptive theory of power structures. In a descriptive model based on the theory of graphs the power configuration (made of local influentials & the set of relationships among them) is conceptualized as a graph (a directed, possibly valued, multi-graph). When this is done, theorems about the graph, which is assumed to be isomorphic to the power configuration, can be translated into corresponding statements about the power structure. In this context the validation of such statements is a purely logical validation, a consequence of the assumed isomorphy between the graph & the power configuration. This descriptive approach is presented here. 27 Figures. Modified HA.

De Europese Unie wordt wel vergeleken met een olifant: groot, wat onhandig en vreedzaam. Die olifant stapt voorzichtig de porseleinkast uit die Brussel heet en zet zijn eerste stappen op het wereldtoneel. Over de mondiale rol en betekenis van de Europese Unie wordt echter zeer uiteenlopend gedacht. Aan de hand van drie 'noties' wordt het debat geanalyseerd: Europa als 'normatieve macht', legitimiteit door buitenlands beleid en het onderscheid tussen perceptie en zelfperceptie van de Europese Unie.De Europese Unie verandert, zoals de eerste aanzetten tot een gemeenschappelijk Europees buitenlan

This paper challenges the well-established dichotomy to explain international power phenomena either as hard power or soft power. Reflecting the observation of an increasing decoupling between power capacities of the states and their ability to prevail in international conflicts, the author assumes the existence of a third power category whose origins and models of action are not sufficiently recognized and researched. Borrowing the idea of 'structural power' from Susan Strange, he advocates the hypothesis that it is this third power capacity that frequently makes powerful countries powerless and less powerful countries more assertive. Adapted from the source document.

Interpretive Political Science has been seen as one of the major critiques against Rational Choice Theory. This review article touches upon the main cleavage between both approaches. It goes beyond the question of rationality as such and asks, instead, what makes actions being understood as 'rational', highlighting by that the socio-cultural context of rationality and its linkage to power. These two elements can be seen as the core of interpretive approaches and they lead us, at the same time, to divergent understandings of the scientific practice that Rational Choice Theory and Interpretive Political Science respectively have. These understandings can be seen as the major difference between both paradigms. Adapted from the source document.

While Christian Democratic parties in several Western European countries are often said to be in crisis, the European People's Party holds the largest parliamentary group in the European Parliament since 1999. This paradox relies on the specificity of the different 'national' electoral logics, on the one hand, & the realization of a long-term 'European' majority strategy, on the other. The alliance with Conservatives & Conservative parties has to overcome an absolute electoral decline in 'old' EU countries & a relative decline through the accession of 'new' member states without Christian Democratic parties. The EPP majority strategy is realized through various ways: the key position of the transnational party & party group, the role of political leadership, the way of decision making, the cooperation with side organizations, the problem solving of ideological conflicts, etc. Our analysis proves how the majority strategy of the European Christian Democrats realizes its ultimate 'survival strategy' despite (or thanks to) several national party crises. 2 Tables. Adapted from the source document.