Suchergebnisse

The power of media is outlined and the effects of mass media on the public opinion and on the parliamentary election. In the book the role of the political intellectuals is analyzed in detail and the battles of intellectuals of the opposite political camps on the field of the language of politics.

Geopolitics as a multidisciplinary branch of social science and as a theory of foreign policy appeared on the Latin-American continent in the second half of the 1920s. The main features they include are the next: aggressive approach to the space, the continental adaption of the organic state-theory elaborated by Ratzel and Kjellen, moreover, the developed geopolitical theory was thought to be converted into practice via the growing role of the army. In all Latin- American countries the armed forces and their various institutions became the scientific centre of elaborating the new attitude to the international relations as a theory. When the army az an institution assumed the political power, however, it was given an opportunity to put these theories into practice. With the definition of the constant and conjuntural national goals those countries of the vast territories aimed at both re-determination of their international economic and political positions and solving their problems connected with their own inner space. Therefore the regional transitions, the settling in the rarely- populated areas, the usage of sources of raw material and reserves, the control of transport and communication network of international significance and obtaining the influence over the new territories were the problems that in many of those countries came to the front. On the Latin-American continent the geopolitical schools with important theo-retical background were established in Argentina, Brazil and Chile. In this study we are going to introduce the Chilean geopolitical theory and practice established by generals Ramon Cañas Montalva and Augusto Pinochet. Apart from the theoretical outlines we will analyse the Chilean attitude to the possession of the Beagle-channel, The Drake-passage and the Magellan-strait and the Antarctic. ; Geopolitics as a multidisciplinary branch of social science and as a theory of foreign policy appeared on the Latin-American continent in the second half of the 1920s. The main features they include are the next: aggressive approach to the space, the continental adaption of the organic state-theory elaborated by Ratzel and Kjellen, moreover, the developed geopolitical theory was thought to be converted into practice via the growing role of the army. In all Latin- American countries the armed forces and their various institutions became the scientific centre of elaborating the new attitude to the international relations as a theory. When the army az an institution assumed the political power, however, it was given an opportunity to put these theories into practice. With the definition of the constant and conjuntural national goals those countries of the vast territories aimed at both re-determination of their international economic and political positions and solving their problems connected with their own inner space. Therefore the regional transitions, the settling in the rarely- populated areas, the usage of sources of raw material and reserves, the control of transport and communication network of international significance and obtaining the influence over the new territories were the problems that in many of those countries came to the front. On the Latin-American continent the geopolitical schools with important theo-retical background were established in Argentina, Brazil and Chile. In this study we are going to introduce the Chilean geopolitical theory and practice established by generals Ramon Cañas Montalva and Augusto Pinochet. Apart from the theoretical outlines we will analyse the Chilean attitude to the possession of the Beagle-channel, The Drake-passage and the Magellan-strait and the Antarctic.

The Repatriation Campaigns of People's Democracies 1954–1956 During the Cold War the intention to gain political influence over migrant groups (and to entice them to come home), or to retain it (and to successfully integrate them into society) was part of the foreign-policy struggle between the two opposing power blocks. The Post-Stalin Soviet foreign policy has thrown itself into this political struggle with a remarkably flexible institutional and political-ideological aim. The Eastern European small and medium allies have followed the example of "the big brother" within their own capacities. The Hungarian foreign policy was particularly adept in this at the time whose technics of temptation to lure migrants home from abroad formed the basis of the similar or renewed effort of the Kádár government from the end of 1956 onward. ; The Repatriation Campaigns of People's Democracies 1954–1956 During the Cold War the intention to gain political influence over migrant groups (and to entice them to come home), or to retain it (and to successfully integrate them into society) was part of the foreign-policy struggle between the two opposing power blocks. The Post-Stalin Soviet foreign policy has thrown itself into this political struggle with a remarkably flexible institutional and political-ideological aim. The Eastern European small and medium allies have followed the example of "the big brother" within their own capacities. The Hungarian foreign policy was particularly adept in this at the time whose technics of temptation to lure migrants home from abroad formed the basis of the similar or renewed effort of the Kádár government from the end of 1956 onward.

"Following the coming into force of the new Social Dialogue Act in 2011, the Romanian collective bargaining system has fundamentally changed due to the restructuring of the levels of collective bargaining and the definition of the representativeness criteria. The collective agreement is the central institution of the collective labour law, the existence or non-existence of it, the content of the agreement being of a real interest for the enforcement of employees' interest. The new regulation significantly weakened the bargaining power of the social partners, which very soon led to a drastic reduction in the number of the concluded collective agreements.
In our study, we try to point out the problematic issues of the Romanian regulation related to the collective agreement, anticipating at the same time the possible new perspectives opened up by the attempt to amend the law."

In a series of studies I analyze the past and present of Chinese higher education. The topic may be justified by the fact that up to now no comprehensive study has been published in Hungary about the long way China went along from the darkest years of communism to nowadays' education. In this second paper I summarize the four main phenomena of the reforms after the Mao-era: decentralization, marketization, privatization and internationalization. In the frame of decentralization, the external and internal governance of the universities changed resulting in a power shift from the central level to regional and institutional level. Marketization brought about significant change in the funding of higher education: instead of the state private actors pay for education. Privatization let private actors in the higher education arena, while internationalization means opening up China for foreign institutions and students and letting Chinese students to study abroad. I build my analysis on international literature and statistical data.

In the resent years in Serbia the process of regionalization, the power of decentralization and the strengthening to self-government has become a central issue. In this context, my aim is to give a general preview about initial processes of Serbia's regional development, regionalism and decentralization. Regions and regional development have tradition on the Balkan. Taking into consideration this fact research of regional development of the former Yugoslavian republics is important. We have to study the instruments which were used to decrease the regional differences after the First and the Second World War. In this paper my aim is to introduce regional problems of the former Yugoslavia and today in Serbia. The main questions are: with which problems struggled Yugoslavia after the First World War and after the Second World War. How the government tried to solve the problems of regional inequalities in the past and what actions makes today to equalize the regional differences in Serbia.

In Serbia the process of the regionalization, the power decentralization and the strengthening to self"government has become a central issue in the recent years. In this context, our aim is to give the general preview about the initial processes of Serbia's regional development and decentralization. The research on the subject is justified by the accession of Serbia to the European Union. The main questions are: Where is currently the regional organization in Serbia? How and in that measure has the decentralization process been achieved? Is there a "bottom"up" initiative in Serbia or the country is trying to meet the expectations of the European Union? It should be noted that Serbia had the largest and most differential spatial structure of the former Yugoslavia, furthermore the war conditions gave special characteristics to the spatial backwardness and setback. Currently, the country's development path is complicated and shows numerous sophisticated features in many segments of the economic progression.

Nowadays, the optimal usage of exhausting natural resources is a serious economic, social and political question. For this reason, in this paper we examine how the optimal sustainable use and allocation of these resources can be achieved in a sustainable way using different game theoretic models. As the proper solution needs the cooperation of national economies, the optimization driven by own interest should be completely changed. In this examination, we use the tools of cooperative game theory to describe ecomomies' strategic behaviour and their interactions. Moreover, we describe different well-known game theoretic solution concepts (e.g. Core, Shaply-value, Nucleolus) with special focus on their required fairness properties. The fairness properties, detailed in this paper, can ensure stable and acceptable allocations for the player at individual and coalitional level as well. Besides the theoretical descriptions, we give some practical example related to games defined on different water supply management problems (e. g. urban water management, irrigation problems, hydro power licensing etc.).

Jelen disszertáció a szociológia és a filmtudomány határterületén mozog, és arra keresi a választ, hogy az elemzett 1989 utáni filmekben hogyan jelenik meg az ábrázolt társadalmi valóság, valamint milyen jövőt ígérnek vagy sejtetnek a néző számára. A kutatás első részében tizenhárom, 1989 és 2018 között bemutatott rendszerváltás-filmet elemzek, vagyis olyan nagyjátékfilmeket, melyek narratívája közvetlen vagy közvetett módon tartalmazza a rendszerváltást mint történelmi eseményt, és vizsgálom meg, hogy milyen társadalmi-politikai kérdéseket vetnek fel, melyek az 1989 és 1990 között zajló Ellenzéki, valamint Nemzeti Kerekasztal-tárgyalásokon is előkerültek, valamint milyen jövőképeket közvetítenek a néző számára. Az EKA- és NKA-ülésekre azért esett a választásom, mivel azok a rendszerváltás átmeneti időszakának lényegi diszkurzív terei voltak, a tárgyalásokról készült Kerekasztal-jegyzőkönyvek pedig a rendszerváltás legfontosabb dokumentumai közé tartoznak. Ezen tárgyalások a politika, a gazdaság és a társadalom dimenzióinak az átalakulás szempontjából lényegi pontjait vitatták meg, és adtak válaszlehetőségeket azokra. Az első hipotézis kapcsán az előfeltevésem az volt, hogy a filmek az idő előrehaladtával az egyes EKA- és NKA-témákat illetően egyre pesszimistább forgatókönyveket vázolnak fel, mivel a kilencvenes években megjelenő strukturális problémákat a társadalom és a gazdaság területén nem sikerült teljes körűen orvosolni. A kutatás második részében Magyarország két nemzetközileg is elismert rendezőjének, Jancsó Miklósnak és Tarr Bélának az 1989 után készült filmjeire fókuszálok, és azt vizsgálom meg, hogy milyen állításokat fogalmaznak meg a kilencvenes évek óta végbement hatalmi viszonyok változásáról, és milyen következtetést vonnak le belőlük. A disszertáció megtervezése során azért erre a két rendezőre esett a választásom, mivel az életpályájuk kezdete óta érzékenyen reagáltak az országban – és Tarr esetében a kelet-európai régióban – zajló társadalmi változásokra szoros összefüggésben az éppen ...