Rosja zawsze była państwem, które dążyło, aby być mocarstwem. Nawet jeżeli straciło znaczenie po rozpadzie ZSRR, to chęć powrotu jako twórcy porządku międzynarodowego, wymusza wypracowanie nowej strategii, która przewiduje użycie środków soft power. Stanowi to pewną przeszkodę dla Rosji, która tradycyjnie przygotowana jest do użycia sił zbrojnych czy presji ekonomicznej. Dużo gorzej jest z wykorzystaniem wartości, które w zamierzeniach Moskwy powinny być różne od Zachodu. Wynikało to z tego, że Rosja stara się stworzyć konkurencyjny do zachodu projekt soft power. Rosja stara się dobrze wykorzystać swoją dyplomację, w tym cyfrową, umiejętnie jej używając nawet jako narzędzi propagandy czy walki w cyberprzestrzeni. ; Russia has always been a country seeking the Great Power status. Even though it lost its importance after the collapse of the Soviet Union, the desire to return to the role of the creator of international order force it to introduce new strategy that will implement soft power resources. This represents a certain obstacle for Russia, which traditionally is accustomed to hard power resources like economic pressure or the use of armed forces. Culture is Russia's soft power resource that is significant. Values can be more problematic for Russia, because in Moscow's intentions they should be different from the Western values. Russia is trying to create an alternative soft power project, competitive to that of the West. Russia is trying to make good use of its diplomacy, including digital diplomacy, in order to show the use of its hard power to be seen as soft.
Rosja zawsze była państwem, które dążyło, aby być mocarstwem. Nawet jeżeli straciło tematyce bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego. W odniesieniu do roku 2016 autor dokonał (siłą rzeczy) subiektywnego wyboru tekstów, które znalazły się na łamach czterech publikacji- ,,Bellony", ,,Rocznika Bezpieczeństwa Międzynarodowego", ,,Rocznika Strategicznego" oraz ,,Stosunków Międzynarodowych". W naturalny sposób tematyka podejmowana przez autorów rzeczonych publikacji stanowi odzwierciedlenie obecnego stanu międzynarodowego środowiska bezpieczeństwa oraz prognoz co do kierunków jego dalszej ewolucji. ; Russia has always been a country seeking the Great Power status. Even though it lost its importance after the collapse of the Soviet Union, the desire to return to the role of the creator of international order force it to introduce new strategy that will implement soft power resources. This represents a certain obstacle for Russia, which traditionally is accustomed to hard power resources like economic pressure or the use of armed forces. Culture is Russia's soft power resource that is significant. Values can be more problematic for Russia, because in Moscow's intentions they should be different from the Western values. Russia is trying to create an alternative soft power project, competitive to that of the West. Russia is trying to make good use of its diplomacy, including digital diplomacy, in order to show the use of its hard power to be seen as soft.
W artykule podjęto próbę analizy tego, w jaki sposób Unia Europejska odgrywa charakterystyczną dla siebie międzynarodową rolę tzw. "łagodnej potęgi" (soft power). W rozważaniachwzięto pod uwagę fakt, że UE oddziałuje na swoje otoczenie zewnętrzne za pomocą przede wszystkim środków o charakterze politycznym, dyplomatycznym, ekonomicznym, kulturowymitp., a nie poprzez zastosowanie "twardych" (hard) instrumentów przymusu (w tym siły zbrojnej). Koncepcja Unii Europejskiej jakosoft power posłużyła jako punkt wyjścia do prezentacjiinnych teorii bezpośrednio z nią związanych, w pierwszym rzędzie koncepcji UE jako civilian power, a następnie normative poweri innych teorii pochodnych. Uwzględniają one rozmaite aspekty specyfiki Unii Europejskiej jako unikatowego uczestnika współczesnych stosunków międzynarodowych, powstrzymującego się od wykorzystywania siły militarnej i promującegowartości demokratyczne. ; The article attempts to analyze how the European Union plays its distinctive international role as a so-called soft power. The paper takes into account the fact that the EU acts on its external environment using primarily of a political, diplomatic, economic and cultural means, and not through the use of 'hard' instruments of coercion (including the armed forces). The concept of the European Union as a 'soft power' serves as a starting point for the presentation of other theories directly related to it – in the first place the concept of the EU as a 'civilian power' and 'normative power' and other theories derivatives. They take into account various aspects of the specificity of the European Union as a unique participant in contemporary international relations, restraining from using military force and promoting democratic values.
W artykule podjęto próbę analizy tego, w jaki sposób Unia Europejska odgrywa charakterystyczną dla siebie międzynarodową rolę tzw. "łagodnej potęgi" (soft power). W rozważaniach wzięto pod uwagę fakt, że UE oddziałuje na swoje otoczenie zewnętrzne za pomocą przede wszystkim środków o charakterze politycznym, dyplomatycznym, ekonomicznym, kulturowym itp., a nie poprzez zastosowanie "twardych" (hard) instrumentów przymusu (w tym siły zbrojnej). Koncepcja Unii Europejskiej jako soft power posłużyła jako punkt wyjścia do prezentacji innych teorii bezpośrednio z nią związanych, w pierwszym rzędzie koncepcji UE jako civilian power, a następnie normative power i innych teorii pochodnych. Uwzględniają one rozmaite aspekty specyfiki Unii Europejskiej jako unikatowego uczestnika współczesnych stosunków międzynarodowych, powstrzymującego się od wykorzystywania siły militarnej i promującego wartości demokratyczne. ; The article attempts to analyze how the European Union plays its distinctive international role as a so-called soft power. The paper takes into account the fact that the EU acts on its external environment using primarily of a political, diplomatic, economic and cultural means, and not through the use of 'hard' instruments of coercion (including the armed forces). The concept of the European Union as a 'soft power' serves as a starting point for the presentation of other theories directly related to it – in the first place the concept of the EU as a 'civilian power' and 'normative power' and other theories derivatives. They take into account various aspects of the specificity of the European Union as a unique participant in contemporary international relations, restraining from using military force and promoting democratic values.
The paper deals with the transformation of power at the local level, by making reference to Lecce, a middle city in the South of Italy (Salento), as a case study. The authors draw their empirical material from a wider sociological research on the same topic they have edited in 2014 (Cremonesini, Cristante, Longo 2014) and try to sketch how the crisis of traditional political parties has produced a renewed vitality of relational networks, yet by now unable to define a common strategy and to share common values and a common strategic project for city policies.Keywords: power, elites, salons, relational networks, local government, South Italy
Until recently, the State of Qatar remained little recognized throughout the world. However, as a result of a well-considered and long-term brand building strategy, linked closely to foreign and security policy, Qatar has become not only a globally recognized country, but also – due to the disproportion between its geographical size and its impact on international activities – a trustworthy brand that is known and respected in the most important political and business circles. The main goal of this paper is to analyze one of the elements of Qatar's brand building strategy, which is the use of sport for political purposes, and to answer the question as to what degree sport in the analyzed case can help with accomplishing those strategic objectives. To do so, the paper will analyze both the internal and external (international) dimensions of Qatar's sports policy. ; Do niedawna Katar pozostawał państwem mało rozpoznawalnym na świecie. W wyniku przemyślanej, wieloletniej strategii budowy marki, powiązanej ściśle z polityką zagraniczną i bezpieczeństwa, Katar stał się nie tylko rozpoznawalnym w skali globu państwem, ale za sprawą nieproporcjonalnej do swego geograficznego rozmiaru aktywności międzynarodowej godną zaufania marką, znaną i szanowaną na najważniejszych salonach politycznych i w kręgach dużego biznesu. Celem głównym niniejszego artykułu jest zanalizowanie jednego z elementów strategii budowania międzynarodowejmarki Kataru, jaką jest wykorzystanie sportu w celach politycznych oraz odpowiedzenia na pytanie, na ile sport w niniejszym przypadku pozwala zrealizować zakładane cele strategiczne. By to zrobić, w pracy zanalizowano wymiar wewnętrzny i zewnętrzny (międzynarodowy) polityki sportowej Kataru.
Do niedawna Katar pozostawał państwem mało rozpoznawalnym na świecie. W wyniku przemyślanej, wieloletniej strategii budowy marki, powiązanej ściśle z polityką zagraniczną i bezpieczeństwa, Katar stał się nie tylko rozpoznawalnym w skali globu państwem, ale za sprawą nieproporcjonalnej do swego geograficznego rozmiaru aktywności międzynarodowej godną zaufania marką, znaną i szanowaną na najważniejszych salonach politycznych i w kręgach dużego biznesu. Celem głównym niniejszego artykułu jest zanalizowanie jednego z elementów strategii budowania międzynarodowej marki Kataru, jaką jest wykorzystanie sportu w celach politycznych oraz odpowiedzenia na pytanie, na ile sport w niniejszym przypadku pozwala zrealizować zakładane cele strategiczne. By to zrobić, w pracy zanalizowano wymiar wewnętrzny i zewnętrzny (międzynarodowy) polityki sportowej Kataru. ; Until recently, the State of Qatar remained little recognized throughout the world. However, as a result of a well-considered and long-term brand building strategy, linked closely to foreign and security policy, Qatar has become not only a globally recognized country, but also – due to the disproportion between its geographical size and its impact on international activities – a trustworthy brand that is known and respected in the most important political and business circles. The main goal of this paper is to analyze one of the elements of Qatar's brand building strategy, which is the use of sport for political purposes, and to answer the question as to what degree sport in the analyzed case can help with accomplishing those strategic objectives. To do so, the paper will analyze both the internal and external (international) dimensions of Qatar's sports policy.
La recente riedizione di Trust and Power - l'opera di Luhmann che propone, in lingua inglese, due lavori del sociologo tedesco sulla fiducia e sul potere nella società complessa – testimonia il vivo interesse, nella conoscenza sociologica, per temi come quelli della comunicazione, della complessità sociale e delle sue semplificazioni sistemiche. Luhmann definisce la fiducia come un investimento a rischio, funzionale a connettere la limitata conoscenza e la parziale ignoranza delle riduzioni di complessità ambientale effettuate dai contesti comunicativi di cui è formata la società complessa, estrapolando elementi informativi dall'evidenza disponibile. Il nesso che lega la fiducia al rischio consente di distinguere la prima dalle situazioni di interazione sociale elementare nelle quali entra in gioco la familiarità. Al progredire delle forme di differenziazione funzionale, la fiducia acquisisce la tipica connotazione riflessiva dei sistemi funzionalmente differenziati per svilupparsi nella fiducia nei sistemi esperti. Il potere costituisce un medium di comunicazione simbolicamente generalizzato, strumento ausiliario al linguaggio e motivazionale nel facilitare l'accettazione di riduzioni della complessità ambientale effettuate da altri. La stabilizzazione del potere attraverso le forme giuridiche è una delle condizioni di possibilità della specificazione del codice binario in termini universalistici e dell'instaurarsi dei meccanismi riflessivi, per mezzo dei quali viene aumentata la tecnicizzazione del potere, ottenendone ripercussioni nella configurazione del sistema politico. Mediante il potere si delinea, allora, la relazione tra diritto e politica nella società complessa. È da rilevare come in Luhmann non venga sollevata alcuna domanda né sulla legittimità dei contesti comunicativi qui esaminati né su una loro eventuale predominanza, argomenti che renderebbero i sistemi sociali condizionati ed esposti ad influenze ambientali, sottoponendoli a livelli di complessità esterna di ardua gestione. ; The recent re-edition of Trust and Power - the work of Luhmann that offers, in English, two works by the German sociologist on trust and power in the complex society - testifies the lively interest, in sociological knowledge, for topics such as communication, of social complexity and its systemic simplifications. Luhmann defines trust as an investment at risk, functional to connect the limited knowledge and partial ignorance of the reduction of environmental complexity carried out by the communicative contexts of which, according to systemic theory, the complex society is formed, extrapolating information elements from the available evidence. The link that binds trust to risk makes it possible to distinguish the former from situations of elementary social interaction in which, mainly, familiarity comes into play. As functional forms of differentiation progress, trust acquires the typical reflexive connotation of functionally differentiated systems to develop in trust in expert systems. Power constitutes a symbolically generalized medium of communication, an instrument that is auxiliary to language and motivational in facilitating the acceptance of reductions in environmental complexity carried out by others. The stabilization of power through juridical forms is one of the conditions of possibility of the specification of the binary code in universalistic terms and of the establishment of the reflexive mechanisms of functionally differentiated social systems, through which the technicalization of power is increased, obtaining reflections in the configuration of the political system. By means of power, then, that relationship between law and politics, in complex society, is outlined. It should be noted that in Luhmann no question is raised on the legitimacy of the communicative contexts examined here or on their possible dominance, topics that would make the social systems conditioned and exposed to environmental influences, subjecting them to levels of external complexity of difficult management.
Si discutono strategie e politiche di esecuzione di applicazioni multithread su architetture multicore eterogenee con l'obiettivo di ottimizzare prestazioni e consumi. La parte sperimentale è condotta su architettura ARM big.LITTLE.
One of the fundamental categories of general sociology concerns power. Regardless of differences in interpretation, power can be defined as the dependence between subordinator and subordinated. This relation is unidirectional. When discussing influence, this property is significant, as otherwise it could be reciprocal, or an influence could be exerted by many other entities that are not bound by the relationship of subordination. The nature of international relations is too specific to allow a simple transfer of power-related phenomena from the realm of domestic relations. One can indicate the presence of delegated power, resulting from the mutual assignment of subordination rights to international decision- making bodies. The processes of international power are divided into procedures of hard power, soft power and smart power, the latter signifying the manifestation of effective power, making use of the mechanisms of the former two. It is also important to take into account the specificity of the legitimization of international power and manifestations of accountability. Also not without significance is the capacity for the implementation of international power, equipped with the relevant enforcement instruments. ; One of the fundamental categories of general sociology concerns power. Regardless of differences in interpretation, power can be defined as the dependence between subordinator and subordinated. This relation is unidirectional. When discussing influence, this property is significant, as otherwise it could be reciprocal, or an influence could be exerted by many other entities that are not bound by the relationship of subordination. The nature of international relations is too specific to allow a simple transfer of power-related phenomena from the realm of domestic relations. One can indicate the presence of delegated power, resulting from the mutual assignment of subordination rights to international decision- making bodies. The processes of international power are divided into procedures of hard power, soft power and smart power, the latter signifying the manifestation of effective power, making use of the mechanisms of the former two. It is also important to take into account the specificity of the legitimization of international power and manifestations of accountability. Also not without significance is the capacity for the implementation of international power, equipped with the relevant enforcement instruments.