Suchergebnisse

The history of political marking of the Vilnius city centre in the end of the 19th century – first half of the 20th century is reconstructed and analysed in the doctoral thesis. The research focuses on material markers (urban reorganizations of the city centre, construction of monuments and buildings of ideological significance), symbolic markers (competitions for projects of material markers, demonstration of national and / or state symbols, change of toponyms and functions of buildings, occasional texts) and rituals (mass events and their visual complements) realised or only designed by nine political regimes. The aim of the thesis is to analyse modern practices of symbolic marking which were based on political ideology and which were applied during the period of 1895–1953 in the public spaces of central Vilnius, and to disclose their causes, character and change. The research is based on theories of nationalism, memory and identity. Social art history is the methodology applied for examination of specific cases of political marking – political, social, cultural and economic context of their emergence is analysed, their target audience is identified, a relation of a commissioner and an executor is discussed. The method of comparative analysis is applied when juxtaposing the strategies of urban public space marking that were applied by different political regimes in the same space, i.e., Vilnius. The controversy around contemporary Vilnius commemoration signs encouraged to turn back to the beginnings of the development of modern political symbols in the city.

The history of political marking of the Vilnius city centre in the end of the 19th century – first half of the 20th century is reconstructed and analysed in the doctoral thesis. The research focuses on material markers (urban reorganizations of the city centre, construction of monuments and buildings of ideological significance), symbolic markers (competitions for projects of material markers, demonstration of national and / or state symbols, change of toponyms and functions of buildings, occasional texts) and rituals (mass events and their visual complements) realised or only designed by nine political regimes. The aim of the thesis is to analyse modern practices of symbolic marking which were based on political ideology and which were applied during the period of 1895–1953 in the public spaces of central Vilnius, and to disclose their causes, character and change. The research is based on theories of nationalism, memory and identity. Social art history is the methodology applied for examination of specific cases of political marking – political, social, cultural and economic context of their emergence is analysed, their target audience is identified, a relation of a commissioner and an executor is discussed. The method of comparative analysis is applied when juxtaposing the strategies of urban public space marking that were applied by different political regimes in the same space, i.e., Vilnius. The controversy around contemporary Vilnius commemoration signs encouraged to turn back to the beginnings of the development of modern political symbols in the city.

The history of political marking of the Vilnius city centre in the end of the 19th century – first half of the 20th century is reconstructed and analysed in the doctoral thesis. The research focuses on material markers (urban reorganizations of the city centre, construction of monuments and buildings of ideological significance), symbolic markers (competitions for projects of material markers, demonstration of national and / or state symbols, change of toponyms and functions of buildings, occasional texts) and rituals (mass events and their visual complements) realised or only designed by nine political regimes. The aim of the thesis is to analyse modern practices of symbolic marking which were based on political ideology and which were applied during the period of 1895–1953 in the public spaces of central Vilnius, and to disclose their causes, character and change. The research is based on theories of nationalism, memory and identity. Social art history is the methodology applied for examination of specific cases of political marking – political, social, cultural and economic context of their emergence is analysed, their target audience is identified, a relation of a commissioner and an executor is discussed. The method of comparative analysis is applied when juxtaposing the strategies of urban public space marking that were applied by different political regimes in the same space, i.e., Vilnius. The controversy around contemporary Vilnius commemoration signs encouraged to turn back to the beginnings of the development of modern political symbols in the city.

The history of political marking of the Vilnius city centre in the end of the 19th century – first half of the 20th century is reconstructed and analysed in the doctoral thesis. The research focuses on material markers (urban reorganizations of the city centre, construction of monuments and buildings of ideological significance), symbolic markers (competitions for projects of material markers, demonstration of national and / or state symbols, change of toponyms and functions of buildings, occasional texts) and rituals (mass events and their visual complements) realised or only designed by nine political regimes. The aim of the thesis is to analyse modern practices of symbolic marking which were based on political ideology and which were applied during the period of 1895–1953 in the public spaces of central Vilnius, and to disclose their causes, character and change. The research is based on theories of nationalism, memory and identity. Social art history is the methodology applied for examination of specific cases of political marking – political, social, cultural and economic context of their emergence is analysed, their target audience is identified, a relation of a commissioner and an executor is discussed. The method of comparative analysis is applied when juxtaposing the strategies of urban public space marking that were applied by different political regimes in the same space, i.e., Vilnius. The controversy around contemporary Vilnius commemoration signs encouraged to turn back to the beginnings of the development of modern political symbols in the city.

The history of political marking of the Vilnius city centre in the end of the 19th century – first half of the 20th century is reconstructed and analysed in the doctoral thesis. The research focuses on material markers (urban reorganizations of the city centre, construction of monuments and buildings of ideological significance), symbolic markers (competitions for projects of material markers, demonstration of national and / or state symbols, change of toponyms and functions of buildings, occasional texts) and rituals (mass events and their visual complements) realised or only designed by nine political regimes. The aim of the thesis is to analyse modern practices of symbolic marking which were based on political ideology and which were applied during the period of 1895–1953 in the public spaces of central Vilnius, and to disclose their causes, character and change. The research is based on theories of nationalism, memory and identity. Social art history is the methodology applied for examination of specific cases of political marking – political, social, cultural and economic context of their emergence is analysed, their target audience is identified, a relation of a commissioner and an executor is discussed. The method of comparative analysis is applied when juxtaposing the strategies of urban public space marking that were applied by different political regimes in the same space, i.e., Vilnius. The controversy around contemporary Vilnius commemoration signs encouraged to turn back to the beginnings of the development of modern political symbols in the city.

The history of political marking of the Vilnius city centre in the end of the 19th century – first half of the 20th century is reconstructed and analysed in the doctoral thesis. The research focuses on material markers (urban reorganizations of the city centre, construction of monuments and buildings of ideological significance), symbolic markers (competitions for projects of material markers, demonstration of national and / or state symbols, change of toponyms and functions of buildings, occasional texts) and rituals (mass events and their visual complements) realised or only designed by nine political regimes. The aim of the thesis is to analyse modern practices of symbolic marking which were based on political ideology and which were applied during the period of 1895–1953 in the public spaces of central Vilnius, and to disclose their causes, character and change. The research is based on theories of nationalism, memory and identity. Social art history is the methodology applied for examination of specific cases of political marking – political, social, cultural and economic context of their emergence is analysed, their target audience is identified, a relation of a commissioner and an executor is discussed. The method of comparative analysis is applied when juxtaposing the strategies of urban public space marking that were applied by different political regimes in the same space, i.e., Vilnius. The controversy around contemporary Vilnius commemoration signs encouraged to turn back to the beginnings of the development of modern political symbols in the city.

Internet users using digital diplomacy techniques can generate state soft power on social networks through the promotion of traditional power resources – culture, values and behaviour. In this way, the digital dissemination of information by states becomes an instrument of their power policy. This article analyses the concept of digital diplomacy, the transformation of its characteristics and activities in the digital space. The text examines the interaction between digital diplomacy and soft power, also focuses on the European Union's digital diplomacy, which has become an important part of the EU's foreign policy. Due to the novelty of the topic and the lack of research in the public discourse, the article is relevant to research in order to find out what digital diplomacy methods the EU institutions, diplomats, individual Internet users are and how it forms the European information geopolitics.

Internet users using digital diplomacy techniques can generate state soft power on social networks through the promotion of traditional power resources – culture, values and behaviour. In this way, the digital dissemination of information by states becomes an instrument of their power policy. This article analyses the concept of digital diplomacy, the transformation of its characteristics and activities in the digital space. The text examines the interaction between digital diplomacy and soft power, also focuses on the European Union's digital diplomacy, which has become an important part of the EU's foreign policy. Due to the novelty of the topic and the lack of research in the public discourse, the article is relevant to research in order to find out what digital diplomacy methods the EU institutions, diplomats, individual Internet users are and how it forms the European information geopolitics.

Internet users using digital diplomacy techniques can generate state soft power on social networks through the promotion of traditional power resources – culture, values and behaviour. In this way, the digital dissemination of information by states becomes an instrument of their power policy. This article analyses the concept of digital diplomacy, the transformation of its characteristics and activities in the digital space. The text examines the interaction between digital diplomacy and soft power, also focuses on the European Union's digital diplomacy, which has become an important part of the EU's foreign policy. Due to the novelty of the topic and the lack of research in the public discourse, the article is relevant to research in order to find out what digital diplomacy methods the EU institutions, diplomats, individual Internet users are and how it forms the European information geopolitics.

Internet users using digital diplomacy techniques can generate state soft power on social networks through the promotion of traditional power resources – culture, values and behaviour. In this way, the digital dissemination of information by states becomes an instrument of their power policy. This article analyses the concept of digital diplomacy, the transformation of its characteristics and activities in the digital space. The text examines the interaction between digital diplomacy and soft power, also focuses on the European Union's digital diplomacy, which has become an important part of the EU's foreign policy. Due to the novelty of the topic and the lack of research in the public discourse, the article is relevant to research in order to find out what digital diplomacy methods the EU institutions, diplomats, individual Internet users are and how it forms the European information geopolitics.

There are many different explanations of how the Russia's political system, after the collapse of the USSR, is functioning. Some argue that it can be described as a strictly centralized power vertical, authoritarian or even dictatorial model. Others suggest that the basis of the system lay in the power of elite groups or media control (mediocracy). However, the different perspectives share same assumption: the essential role in the Russian political system is played by various power elite groups; thus, their analysis helps one to understand the functioning of the regime more profoundly. The analyses of Post-Communist Russia's elite are based on the main assumptions of the theories of power elite. It means that not only relations and interactions between various power groups are analyzed, but also the links between the concentration of power in specific groups with the post-Communist Russia transformation process. However, Russia's political system is a "black box" that is very hard to open and acknowledge. Therefore, even an analysis of the elite groups can only give partial answers to the study of its political system.

There are many different explanations of how the Russia's political system, after the collapse of the USSR, is functioning. Some argue that it can be described as a strictly centralized power vertical, authoritarian or even dictatorial model. Others suggest that the basis of the system lay in the power of elite groups or media control (mediocracy). However, the different perspectives share same assumption: the essential role in the Russian political system is played by various power elite groups; thus, their analysis helps one to understand the functioning of the regime more profoundly. The analyses of Post-Communist Russia's elite are based on the main assumptions of the theories of power elite. It means that not only relations and interactions between various power groups are analyzed, but also the links between the concentration of power in specific groups with the post-Communist Russia transformation process. However, Russia's political system is a "black box" that is very hard to open and acknowledge. Therefore, even an analysis of the elite groups can only give partial answers to the study of its political system.

There are many different explanations of how the Russia's political system, after the collapse of the USSR, is functioning. Some argue that it can be described as a strictly centralized power vertical, authoritarian or even dictatorial model. Others suggest that the basis of the system lay in the power of elite groups or media control (mediocracy). However, the different perspectives share same assumption: the essential role in the Russian political system is played by various power elite groups; thus, their analysis helps one to understand the functioning of the regime more profoundly. The analyses of Post-Communist Russia's elite are based on the main assumptions of the theories of power elite. It means that not only relations and interactions between various power groups are analyzed, but also the links between the concentration of power in specific groups with the post-Communist Russia transformation process. However, Russia's political system is a "black box" that is very hard to open and acknowledge. Therefore, even an analysis of the elite groups can only give partial answers to the study of its political system.

There are many different explanations of how the Russia's political system, after the collapse of the USSR, is functioning. Some argue that it can be described as a strictly centralized power vertical, authoritarian or even dictatorial model. Others suggest that the basis of the system lay in the power of elite groups or media control (mediocracy). However, the different perspectives share same assumption: the essential role in the Russian political system is played by various power elite groups; thus, their analysis helps one to understand the functioning of the regime more profoundly. The analyses of Post-Communist Russia's elite are based on the main assumptions of the theories of power elite. It means that not only relations and interactions between various power groups are analyzed, but also the links between the concentration of power in specific groups with the post-Communist Russia transformation process. However, Russia's political system is a "black box" that is very hard to open and acknowledge. Therefore, even an analysis of the elite groups can only give partial answers to the study of its political system.

The analysis of the EU becoming a great power revealed that three leaders such as EU, China and USA are highlighted in the international trade context. Maximum utilization of the advantages of a liberal trade affects and economic growth indicators strengthen the EU's position in the world. Therefore, significant issue defines the labor problem - whether the economic potential of the EU and held influence in the global trading system enables the EU to be synonymous with the most power? The main claims are discussed: • External economic relations through the EU's power in the world market establish a permanent increase in the influence of the international trading system; • The EU and other major powers effects (especially economic) compete with China and the U.S., where China's growing role is observed in global arena. The object is the EU and the global power. The aim is to analyze the EU's potential to become a great power in the world arena, based on the economic power indicators. The analysis and comparison of the EU, the U.S. and China trade relations and cooperation stipulates that the EU, U.S. and China are not only considered as the major economic power in the global arena, but also with each other are closely related in trade relations. This situation is further determined by the strengthening of the EU's powers, as both the United States, China seeks to strengthen trade relations with the EU Member States. The evaluation of the EU's position in the global arena shows the different parts of the world position regarding the global power. Utmost confidence in the country as the major powers support the position of different nationalities directs China, the United States, as well as the EU. World Trade Organization statistical data shows that the economic situation in the EU, trade policy provides a stable situation in the EU and strengthening capacity in comparison with the U.S., China and Japan. The defined statements were confirmed during the analysis. First of all, it is possible to confirm that the extensive external economic relations through the EU's and growing power in the global arena are strengthening the EU in the international trading system. It also emerged that the EU and other major powers are most competing with China and the United States, where the most prominent role of China's is ever-growing in the global arena.