The aim of this article is to reflect on the role of the feelings in the human person's integral growth. The phenomenology and the hermeneutics are here applied as the basic methods; the thoughts of the famous contemporary philosopher Paul Ricoeur (1913) are also used in oder to reveal interpersonal aspect of emotions (social, cultural, political spheres). The fundamental needs, such as possession, capacity and being recognized are reconstructed in the initial state ("before the sin"). The philosophical tradition is read in a new light, because Aquinas' and cartesian tractates valuated the emotions from one side. Ricoeur's reflection is corageous one because he speaks about the most fragile capacity of human being and elevates it to the level of intellect, non theoric but concrete. The feelings have important role of unifying and putting inward our experience.
The aim of this article is to reflect on the role of the feelings in the human person's integral growth. The phenomenology and the hermeneutics are here applied as the basic methods; the thoughts of the famous contemporary philosopher Paul Ricoeur (1913) are also used in oder to reveal interpersonal aspect of emotions (social, cultural, political spheres). The fundamental needs, such as possession, capacity and being recognized are reconstructed in the initial state ("before the sin"). The philosophical tradition is read in a new light, because Aquinas' and cartesian tractates valuated the emotions from one side. Ricoeur's reflection is corageous one because he speaks about the most fragile capacity of human being and elevates it to the level of intellect, non theoric but concrete. The feelings have important role of unifying and putting inward our experience.
The aim of this article is to reflect on the role of the feelings in the human person's integral growth. The phenomenology and the hermeneutics are here applied as the basic methods; the thoughts of the famous contemporary philosopher Paul Ricoeur (1913) are also used in oder to reveal interpersonal aspect of emotions (social, cultural, political spheres). The fundamental needs, such as possession, capacity and being recognized are reconstructed in the initial state ("before the sin"). The philosophical tradition is read in a new light, because Aquinas' and cartesian tractates valuated the emotions from one side. Ricoeur's reflection is corageous one because he speaks about the most fragile capacity of human being and elevates it to the level of intellect, non theoric but concrete. The feelings have important role of unifying and putting inward our experience.
The aim of the article was to explore the Agreement on the Adaptation of the Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe 1999 (hereinafter referred to as an A-CFE) & its positive/negative implications for the NATO-Russian relations. The A-CFE, considered to be a cornerstone of the European security paving the way to a greater conventional stability on the continent, has not entered into force for political & geo-strategic reasons. Moreover, A-CFE aims at establishing a stable & balanced overall level of conventional armed forces between NATO & Russia in Europe, thus solving NATO enlargement & security dilemmas, the bone of contention between NATO & Russia. The main question the article dealt with was whether the A-CFE could stabilize NATO-Russian relations in the anarchical international system facing the dynamics of balance of power. The article focused on analyzing conventional arms control influence on NATO-Russian interaction; a heavy emphasis was placed on A-CFE functionality to solve security dilemma problems in light of NATO enlargement, hypothetical NATO-Russian conflict, & NATO-Russian level of conventional armed forces in Europe. What's more, a concrete case -- the Baltic States possible membership in A-CFE & its influence on NATO-Russian relations has been analyzed in the context of military power disparities & geo-strategic position of the Eastern Baltic sub-region. Having analyzed it accordingly, the following conclusion has been made: A-CFE Treaty of actual text would not properly stabilize NATO-Russian relations due to the reaction of national units to the on-going redistribution of military power & the dynamic of military balance. If not revised, A-CFE will amount to a "sunset Treaty" while remaining an instrument of political process. This assumption emerges from the following factors: 1. A-CFE has asymmetrically imposed the ceilings of conventional arms in favor of Russia, reducing U.S. Army quota in Europe & setting strict limits on keeping foreign military forces on a permanent basis; new NATO members are obliged not to increase the ceilings whereas Russia's limits rise to the Flanks. 2. Asymmetrical distribution of power imposed by A-CFE has decreased NATO operational capabilities to respond to Russian offensive/defensive attacks. NATO forces have been reduced in NATO-Russian border sub-regions, which might become a conflict zone. 3. The first wave of NATO enlargement was set in a frame of arms control thus solving the security dilemma of Russia, whereas the second wave diverted the distribution of power & required a new response from arms control. With the second wave including the Baltic States, NATO has significantly improved its geo-strategic positions as a result of the possibility of establishing an offensive front against Russia from the Baltic States in which conventional arms control does not apply. 4. The Baltic States' membership in the A-CFE has had implications for its own national security could be evaluated from perspectives of defensive & offensive realism. In the world of the offensive realism, the Baltic States should avoid entering the A-CFE with low ceilings, as Russia proposed, which would diminish Baltic States' national security. On the other hand, the Baltic States are supposed to evaluate a negative effect of the security dilemma, according to defensive realists. Large & flexible ceilings the Baltics may negatively affect Russian security & it could start increasing the weapons. The Baltic States would lose the arms race with Russia due to the lack of economic recourses. 5. The research suggests two ways to revise the A-CFE to solve the security dilemma of both Russia & the Baltic States: (1) to set ceilings for the whole Eastern Baltic sub-region (at the present time, Russia's commitments in Kaliningrad & Pskov are the political ones); (2) to add the whole Eastern Baltic sub-region to Central European stability zone using the formula national ceilings = territorial ceiling. 5 Lenteles. Adapted from the source document.
Traditionally Lithuania's public finances are discussed in terms of tax burden and tax administration. Such issues as composition of tax revenues or the structure of public expenditure for some reasons are less atractive both for economists, journalists, politicians and general public at large. The purpose of this article is to fill this gap doing it in the political, cognitive and ideological context existing in our country. The subject is explored in the framework of methodological holism.
Traditionally Lithuania's public finances are discussed in terms of tax burden and tax administration. Such issues as composition of tax revenues or the structure of public expenditure for some reasons are less atractive both for economists, journalists, politicians and general public at large. The purpose of this article is to fill this gap doing it in the political, cognitive and ideological context existing in our country. The subject is explored in the framework of methodological holism.
Traditionally Lithuania's public finances are discussed in terms of tax burden and tax administration. Such issues as composition of tax revenues or the structure of public expenditure for some reasons are less atractive both for economists, journalists, politicians and general public at large. The purpose of this article is to fill this gap doing it in the political, cognitive and ideological context existing in our country. The subject is explored in the framework of methodological holism.
Traditionally Lithuania's public finances are discussed in terms of tax burden and tax administration. Such issues as composition of tax revenues or the structure of public expenditure for some reasons are less atractive both for economists, journalists, politicians and general public at large. The purpose of this article is to fill this gap doing it in the political, cognitive and ideological context existing in our country. The subject is explored in the framework of methodological holism.
A survey has been conducted of teachers attitudes towards managing educational change in Lithuania. 117 responses to an opinion questionnaire were received. The survey was intended to examine teachers attitudes towards education policy of the country, evaluation of the ongoing educational reform, position towards power distribution between the Ministry of Education and Science, local educational authorities, and headteachers. The survey also explored attitudes towards teacher training and appraisal. Findings indicate that teacher attitudes towards educational reform and devolution of power are mostly neutral. Strictly negative attitude was .expressed towards the way the Parliament and the Government are solving educational problems. A strong belief that society and non-governmental organisations should play bigger role in Lithuanian education was expressed.
A survey has been conducted of teachers attitudes towards managing educational change in Lithuania. 117 responses to an opinion questionnaire were received. The survey was intended to examine teachers attitudes towards education policy of the country, evaluation of the ongoing educational reform, position towards power distribution between the Ministry of Education and Science, local educational authorities, and headteachers. The survey also explored attitudes towards teacher training and appraisal. Findings indicate that teacher attitudes towards educational reform and devolution of power are mostly neutral. Strictly negative attitude was .expressed towards the way the Parliament and the Government are solving educational problems. A strong belief that society and non-governmental organisations should play bigger role in Lithuanian education was expressed.
A survey has been conducted of teachers attitudes towards managing educational change in Lithuania. 117 responses to an opinion questionnaire were received. The survey was intended to examine teachers attitudes towards education policy of the country, evaluation of the ongoing educational reform, position towards power distribution between the Ministry of Education and Science, local educational authorities, and headteachers. The survey also explored attitudes towards teacher training and appraisal. Findings indicate that teacher attitudes towards educational reform and devolution of power are mostly neutral. Strictly negative attitude was .expressed towards the way the Parliament and the Government are solving educational problems. A strong belief that society and non-governmental organisations should play bigger role in Lithuanian education was expressed.
A survey has been conducted of teachers attitudes towards managing educational change in Lithuania. 117 responses to an opinion questionnaire were received. The survey was intended to examine teachers attitudes towards education policy of the country, evaluation of the ongoing educational reform, position towards power distribution between the Ministry of Education and Science, local educational authorities, and headteachers. The survey also explored attitudes towards teacher training and appraisal. Findings indicate that teacher attitudes towards educational reform and devolution of power are mostly neutral. Strictly negative attitude was .expressed towards the way the Parliament and the Government are solving educational problems. A strong belief that society and non-governmental organisations should play bigger role in Lithuanian education was expressed.
The beginning of XXI century was marked by few events that had influence on international relations in the whole world. Terror attacks in the United States of America in September 11, 2001, were the first such high a big range attacks against the USA. It had shown that the USA – the most powerful state of the world – is vulnerable to more danger, than nuclear weapons alone. After September 11 the USA started war against terrorism in Afghanistan, and many states supported it. However, in spring 2003 the USA unilaterally, without international support, decided to use military power in Iraq, arguing that Iraq possessed potential threat – weapons of mass destruction. Unilateralism, and military and technological differences between the USA and its allies have brought to light a presumption that in the international system there is a single pole, a superpower (hyperpower), the United States of America. The existence of one pole only can have different consequences on international system and international security. The aim of this article was to determine specific features of the unipolar world, influence of polarity of international system upon international security, and specific threats to security that emerge only in unipolar international systems. Another aim was to try to predict the end of the unipolar system: what could be the next poles and when could it come to the end. After analysing a number of articles concerning this topic, few conclusions were drawn. Contemporary international system is unipolar and the single pole is the USA; the USA is superior in military, economic, geopolitical, and political spheres at the same time. Increasing military power and unilateralism of the USA may be treated as a threat to international security. Great powers are trying to balance unipolar power, however, the creation of balance to unipolar power is complicated for several reasons.[.].
The beginning of XXI century was marked by few events that had influence on international relations in the whole world. Terror attacks in the United States of America in September 11, 2001, were the first such high a big range attacks against the USA. It had shown that the USA – the most powerful state of the world – is vulnerable to more danger, than nuclear weapons alone. After September 11 the USA started war against terrorism in Afghanistan, and many states supported it. However, in spring 2003 the USA unilaterally, without international support, decided to use military power in Iraq, arguing that Iraq possessed potential threat – weapons of mass destruction. Unilateralism, and military and technological differences between the USA and its allies have brought to light a presumption that in the international system there is a single pole, a superpower (hyperpower), the United States of America. The existence of one pole only can have different consequences on international system and international security. The aim of this article was to determine specific features of the unipolar world, influence of polarity of international system upon international security, and specific threats to security that emerge only in unipolar international systems. Another aim was to try to predict the end of the unipolar system: what could be the next poles and when could it come to the end. After analysing a number of articles concerning this topic, few conclusions were drawn. Contemporary international system is unipolar and the single pole is the USA; the USA is superior in military, economic, geopolitical, and political spheres at the same time. Increasing military power and unilateralism of the USA may be treated as a threat to international security. Great powers are trying to balance unipolar power, however, the creation of balance to unipolar power is complicated for several reasons.[.].
