Suchergebnisse

This article deals with the theme and problem of heterotopy from Michel Foucault's thought, a notion that little explored by him, however, potentially useful for contemporary philosophical thought. In it we show what the French philosopher calls heterotopy (localized utopia / other space) and the way it implies the notions of space, power and knowledge. To this end, we approach Foucault texts especially from the 1960s and 70s. We interpret and report in this way to the heterotopias that are part of Foucault's studies and trajectory: factory-convent, working town, psychiatric asylum, prison and Experimental University of Vincennes. We understand that prison and its mechanisms are the paradigmatic example of a modern heterotopy that still says a lot about us. This indicates, it is worth noting, the complexity and ambivalence of the Foucauldian notion of heterotopy, insofar as it can encompass a series of devices not always related: sometimes, then, a disciplinary institution and a biopolitical space, other times, an experimental university.

O artigo tem dois objetivos. Primeiramente, busca exercitar uma forma de conhecimento poético-científico na medida em que se deixa guiar pela apreensão imaginativa dos problemas empíricos analisados através de uma pesquisa visual e da produção de expressões imagéticas que abram outras vias de reflexão sobre os casos investigados. Em segundo lugar, o artigo analisará dois eventos relativos à internet que tiveram grande repercussão na imprensa brasileira em julho de 2008, procurando evidenciar uma disputa entre configurações distintas do poder que se desenvolvem sob a superfície da internet.

Making the genealogy of power was never Foucault's clear intent. However, the power issue was always a recurring theme in his investigations, to the point of scholars suggesting a division and organization of his work as from three theoretical axis. Within this perspective, the analytic of power would mark Foucault's philosophical path in the 70's. Indeed, until 1994, the year of publication of a series of texts, interviews and conferences by Foucault on 'Dits et écrits', the issue of the analytic of power was mostly known from books like 'Urveiller et punir' (1975) and 'Histoire de la sexualité I: la volonté de savoir' (1976). With the beginning of the publication of the classes in 'Collège de France' from 1997 the reading towards the analytic of power might undergo an enlargement. But it isn't until 2015 that the entirety of Foucault's classes on Collège de France were published, opening an important path towards the investigation concerning the first reflections regarding power. It is our intention to show on this paper how the first steps of the analytic of power by Michel Foucault comes to life from a gauchiste context still set in the terms of a dynastic of knowledge. Accordingly, we try to show how the dynastic period matches a theoretical sketch, first attempts of formulation of the power concept, distinctively elaborated in contrast with marxism. This opposition occurs mainly in the refusal both of the Marxist infra-superstructure scheme and of the contractualist (Hobbesian) model of state society.

This articleanalyzesthe 'educational experience' of JoséVeríssimoassociated with 'marginalization' and political 'engagement' in the province of Pará. In the context of political polarization between imperial tradition and scientific politics, the competition for the French chair of the Lyceum of Paraense took place (1881) and the Paraense Society Promoting Education (1883-1884) emerged. I consider that the disqualification in the contest was a way of marginalizing the prestigious professional positions and finding about the decay of imperial institutions – knowing the 'knowledge of power' – allowing the engagement in society – promoting the 'knowledge is power' –, while appropriate the Generation 1870 political-cultural practices of contesting the status quosaquaremain the Amazonian context. ; Este artículo analiza la 'experiencia educativa' de JoséVeríssimoasociada con la 'marginación' y el 'compromiso' político en la Provincia de Pará. En el contexto de la polarización política entre la tradición imperial y la política científica, tuvo lugar la competencia por la cátedra francesa del Liceo Paraense (1881) y surgió la Sociedad Promotora de la Educación Paraense (1883-1884). Considero que la descalificación en el concurso fue una forma de marginar las prestigiosas posiciones profesionales y descubrir la decadencia de las instituciones imperiales – conocer el 'conocimiento del poder' –, permitir la participación en la Sociedad – promover el 'conocimiento es poder' –, mientras que apropiarse de las prácticas político-culturales de la Generación 1870 de impugnar elstatusquosaquaremaen el contexto amazónico. ; Este artigo analisa a 'experiência educativa' de José Veríssimo associada à 'marginalização' e ao 'engajamento' político na província do Pará. No contexto de polarização política entre tradição imperial e política científica, ocorreu o concurso para a cadeira de francês do Liceu Paraense (1881) e emergiu a Sociedade Paraense Promotora da Instrução (1883-1884). Considero que a desclassificação no concurso foi uma forma de marginalização das posições profissionais prestigiadas e constatação a respeito da 'decadência' das instituições imperiais – conhecendo o 'saber do poder' –, permitindo o engajamento na Sociedade – promovendo o 'saber é poder' –, ao se apropriar das práticas político-culturais da Geração 1870 de contestação do status quo saquarema no contexto amazônico.

Este artigo apresenta o estudo de caso de uma criança com "dificuldades de aprendizagem". Os recursos teóricos que deram suporte a essa reflexão têm origem na psicanálise – nos escritos de Sigmund Freud sobre o inconsciente, o saber e a relação transferencial – e na filosofia, sob a ótica de Michel Foucault e seus apontamentos sobre poder, saber e verdade.

In this article, we will undertake a reflection on the analytics of power in Michel Foucault. Our intention is to cover Foucault's production from the mid-seventies to the beginning of the eighties, seeking to understand the shifts or "twists and turns" through which the concept of power has suffered over time. We will try to show that it is possible to identify three moments in Foucault's research. First, when trying to move away from the traditional legal-discursive understanding of power, he introduces an unprecedented analysis of the dynamics of disciplinary power and the micro-powers that make up the social field. This can be considered a shift, in general, in relation to the western political tradition. With the course society must be defended we are faced with a change in the understanding of power when identifying it as war or struggle. Finally, with the introduction of the concepts of biopower/ biopolitics, Foucault is led to a great expansion of his research, focusing on concepts that were not part of his interest until then, such as, for example, the concept of State. It is in this context that the concept of government will enter Foucault's reflections. We understand that the concept of government is a refinement and, likewise, makes its analysis of power broader and more complex in order to account for the political present.

This article seeks to investigate art as an emblematic example of life as will to power, from the perspective of Friedrich Nietzsche. According to Nietzsche life is a constant creating and recreating without a pre-defined teleology. It is precisely this aspect that art expresses a more transparent way what life is therefore art is precisely the process of creation and recreation without a purpose beyond creation itself. The art from the perspective of the artist is always unfinished and so he continues to create, is as if the artist somehow would capture what life is, and reveal it in their art and in the creative process. The art besides being like everything else, moved by the will to power, to the extent that she herself is a constant drive by creating, reveals a very peculiar way the pathos that is life as will to power that always surpasses herself . Therefore, to realize the true artist against the current world how content and content as form, realizes the inverted world, and in this reversal look allows play with life, creating and transforming the current New. Furthermore, to the extent that the figures are contrasted by a necessary one photographer to support the existence, for the inversion of true reality is a reality in its many situations created. Criticized the values ​​exemplified by the action of the artist's conception of truth inaugurated by Socratic and Platonism, which in a way is based on a kind of deification of the rational concept. Our Philosopher explicit reversal of Platonism asserts that the truth-conceptual-rational metaphysics has less value than the irrationality of artistic pathos.

The present investigation strives to show Nietzsche's considerations about natural law. Since the German philosopher bases his thinking on an organicist conception, in principle one is led to think of a welcome and even a positive emphasis on natural law. However, in several passages of his writings Nietzsche is hostile towards natural law, mainly because it acts as a framework, measurement and calculation of the movement of nature. Natural law, for this reason, consists in falsifying nature. For, the legal mechanisms are imposed on the free action of nature, depriving it of its organic singularity to fit it in an artificial rationality. The free action of nature cannot be captured by rational framing mechanisms dictated by natural law. However, Nietzsche recognizes in the will to power a kind of natural law that acts on natural phenomena without constraining them, but leads them to the highest peaks of force.

The paper presents an investigation, at the heart of the thought of Niccolò Machiavelli, about the role played by Roman conflicts between nobles and plebs in order for the Republic of Rome became a military power. The clash of desires of great and people was responsible for promoting in that city an authentic vivere civile and libero, but also was the driving force of its military-political expansion. Here, we will intend to elucidate the reasons that have elevated Rome to that greatness. First, the dissensions caused the constitutional improvement of Roman institutions, directing them towards a republican state of mixed government. With the institution of the Tribunes of Plebeians, the people reached its political recognition, which created the possibility for the armies to be formed by the citizens from the plebs. Secondly, the institutional regulation of the conflicts and the expansionist impetus of Rome were the reason why the "guard of liberty" had been entrust to the plebs, promoting a popular government, a measure that allowed the Republic to turn to expansionist campaigns towards the conquest of the empire. Thirdly, recognizing the conflict and institutionalizing it was a mechanism to protect themselves from the caprices of fortune. Therefore, the institutional regulation of the events that afflict the internal political order meant to give guarantees for that those external confrontations could be successful.