Suchergebnisse

Regardless of the popular wisdom to make predictions in negotiations as if they always reflect the right according to the Bible– that "to every one who has will more be given" – this article starts with observation that weaker parties can and do sometimes successfully negotiate with stronger parties. Naturally this provokes questions: "Why can weak parties successfully negotiate with the stronger parties in asymmetric negotiations? How to explain this structural paradox?". The article argues that these questions would be old and answered if not for the long lasting tendency in the international relations discipline to analyze international negotiations from the point of view of the traditional power understanding, as well as systemic international relations theories. On another hand, difficulties objectively arise due to the fact that analysis of the structural paradox is connected to the problem of power – one of the most complex and difficult to define categories of the social science. And although much has been done recently in the social science to improve our understanding of the concept of power, it is still unclear what is the best way to conceptualise it.

Regardless of the popular wisdom to make predictions in negotiations as if they always reflect the right according to the Bible– that "to every one who has will more be given" – this article starts with observation that weaker parties can and do sometimes successfully negotiate with stronger parties. Naturally this provokes questions: "Why can weak parties successfully negotiate with the stronger parties in asymmetric negotiations? How to explain this structural paradox?". The article argues that these questions would be old and answered if not for the long lasting tendency in the international relations discipline to analyze international negotiations from the point of view of the traditional power understanding, as well as systemic international relations theories. On another hand, difficulties objectively arise due to the fact that analysis of the structural paradox is connected to the problem of power – one of the most complex and difficult to define categories of the social science. And although much has been done recently in the social science to improve our understanding of the concept of power, it is still unclear what is the best way to conceptualise it.

Regardless of the popular wisdom to make predictions in negotiations as if they always reflect the right according to the Bible– that "to every one who has will more be given" – this article starts with observation that weaker parties can and do sometimes successfully negotiate with stronger parties. Naturally this provokes questions: "Why can weak parties successfully negotiate with the stronger parties in asymmetric negotiations? How to explain this structural paradox?". The article argues that these questions would be old and answered if not for the long lasting tendency in the international relations discipline to analyze international negotiations from the point of view of the traditional power understanding, as well as systemic international relations theories. On another hand, difficulties objectively arise due to the fact that analysis of the structural paradox is connected to the problem of power – one of the most complex and difficult to define categories of the social science. And although much has been done recently in the social science to improve our understanding of the concept of power, it is still unclear what is the best way to conceptualise it.

Communitarianism emerged as a critique to liberalism. Communitarians are aiming to show that communitarianism is an alternative political theory which could successfully compete with other political theories. However, it is maintained that liberalism and communitarianism are not separate theories and they only disagree over the proper role of power. Thesis claims that the communitarian concept of power is liberal and, therefore, communitarianism is not a distinct political theory, but a liberal one. Communitarianism denies a liberal claim that it is possible to agree about the principles of justice. Moreover, communitarians maintain that a liberal concept of free individual is a false view. They emphasize the significance of the community in the life of an individual, because it helps one to become a real human being. On the other hand, if there are only communal values and we cannot commensurate them, because there are no universal principles then everything is possible. Thus it is impossible to criticize or condemn other communal practices. That is why communitarians claim that there are some non-communal principles, like "parity of participation" and "everyone has an equal rights". They emphasize that no community can be more superior than other, so power has to be neutral. Communitarian critique of liberalism is not irresistible. Firstly, it simplifies the liberal concept of an individual. Secondly, liberals agree with some of the communitarians proposals, like the role of community in the life of an individual. Furthermore, the communitarian theory rest on liberal assumptions – equality and freedom, neutrality of the state. The role which is attributed to the state is the same for communitarians and for liberals. Both liberals and communitarians claim that state has to secure conditions that would enable the right for all to participate in the governance. It also has to reform communities and other associations and should not try to implement any concept of good. Thus communitarian concept of power does not add anything to liberalism.

Communitarianism emerged as a critique to liberalism. Communitarians are aiming to show that communitarianism is an alternative political theory which could successfully compete with other political theories. However, it is maintained that liberalism and communitarianism are not separate theories and they only disagree over the proper role of power. Thesis claims that the communitarian concept of power is liberal and, therefore, communitarianism is not a distinct political theory, but a liberal one. Communitarianism denies a liberal claim that it is possible to agree about the principles of justice. Moreover, communitarians maintain that a liberal concept of free individual is a false view. They emphasize the significance of the community in the life of an individual, because it helps one to become a real human being. On the other hand, if there are only communal values and we cannot commensurate them, because there are no universal principles then everything is possible. Thus it is impossible to criticize or condemn other communal practices. That is why communitarians claim that there are some non-communal principles, like "parity of participation" and "everyone has an equal rights". They emphasize that no community can be more superior than other, so power has to be neutral. Communitarian critique of liberalism is not irresistible. Firstly, it simplifies the liberal concept of an individual. Secondly, liberals agree with some of the communitarians proposals, like the role of community in the life of an individual. Furthermore, the communitarian theory rest on liberal assumptions – equality and freedom, neutrality of the state. The role which is attributed to the state is the same for communitarians and for liberals. Both liberals and communitarians claim that state has to secure conditions that would enable the right for all to participate in the governance. It also has to reform communities and other associations and should not try to implement any concept of good. Thus communitarian concept of power does not add anything to liberalism.

The main objectives of the master thesis are to analyses the real state power of China and to compare it to the image that China's power has in the international arena. The first Chapter defines the concept of state power and it's components as well as the problems of the calculation of the state power. The second Chapter carries out the calculations of the real China's state power and it's evolution in the twenty-first century and also it provides information what image the US and Russian people have on the state power of China. Also in the same Chapter information is provided on how China views their power and how they position themselves in the world.

The main objectives of the master thesis are to analyses the real state power of China and to compare it to the image that China's power has in the international arena. The first Chapter defines the concept of state power and it's components as well as the problems of the calculation of the state power. The second Chapter carries out the calculations of the real China's state power and it's evolution in the twenty-first century and also it provides information what image the US and Russian people have on the state power of China. Also in the same Chapter information is provided on how China views their power and how they position themselves in the world.

The study reveals importance of power in the activity of a social pedagogue.The results of the research revealed, there is some power structure in the social pedagogue – as the political aspects in the macro level, in the mezzo level as the organizational aspects and in the micro level as some model of the microrelationship model. The content of power relationship are instructions of a social pedagugeu, attitude of pedagogues and parents, the organizational rules, democratic or authoritarian relationship with administration, as well as behaviour of a social pedagogue 'power behaviour'.

The study reveals importance of power in the activity of a social pedagogue.The results of the research revealed, there is some power structure in the social pedagogue – as the political aspects in the macro level, in the mezzo level as the organizational aspects and in the micro level as some model of the microrelationship model. The content of power relationship are instructions of a social pedagugeu, attitude of pedagogues and parents, the organizational rules, democratic or authoritarian relationship with administration, as well as behaviour of a social pedagogue 'power behaviour'.

The study reveals importance of power in the activity of a social pedagogue.The results of the research revealed, there is some power structure in the social pedagogue – as the political aspects in the macro level, in the mezzo level as the organizational aspects and in the micro level as some model of the microrelationship model. The content of power relationship are instructions of a social pedagugeu, attitude of pedagogues and parents, the organizational rules, democratic or authoritarian relationship with administration, as well as behaviour of a social pedagogue 'power behaviour'.

Don Juan, one of the most popular cultural fgures in the Western civilization, has deserved the attention of philosophers relatively recently. Postmodernist reflections on the character of Don Juan refer to it as a ready-made construct whose implications are well-established. It indicates that the Don Juan fgure represents a certain cultural phenomenon in social consciousness. Tat image is an instrument of reflection on the social perception of human sexuality in general and attempts to systematize and govern it in particular. Te article suggests a reading of the Don Juan fgure in the light of Michel Foucault's theory of power, claiming that the meaning of the character of Don Juan lies in its power-based relations with his environment. Don Juan's domination over the society, over the women whom he violates, and over his own discourse are analysed in order to explore the methods of regulation that society applies on the sexuality of its members, and limits of individual freedom. Te article concludes that Don Juan is a political power-fgure, because he acts as an instrument of surveillance over the social male-female relationship. Te seduction process performed by Don Juan launches the inner surveillance apparatus of every individual – the female victim, her male protector (father, brother or any other), other members of Don Juan's society, as well as male and female members of his audience (i.e. the spectators, or the readers). Tat is, the article suggests, namely the power message that the Don Juan fgure broadcasts to the culture it acts in

Don Juan, one of the most popular cultural fgures in the Western civilization, has deserved the attention of philosophers relatively recently. Postmodernist reflections on the character of Don Juan refer to it as a ready-made construct whose implications are well-established. It indicates that the Don Juan fgure represents a certain cultural phenomenon in social consciousness. Tat image is an instrument of reflection on the social perception of human sexuality in general and attempts to systematize and govern it in particular. Te article suggests a reading of the Don Juan fgure in the light of Michel Foucault's theory of power, claiming that the meaning of the character of Don Juan lies in its power-based relations with his environment. Don Juan's domination over the society, over the women whom he violates, and over his own discourse are analysed in order to explore the methods of regulation that society applies on the sexuality of its members, and limits of individual freedom. Te article concludes that Don Juan is a political power-fgure, because he acts as an instrument of surveillance over the social male-female relationship. Te seduction process performed by Don Juan launches the inner surveillance apparatus of every individual – the female victim, her male protector (father, brother or any other), other members of Don Juan's society, as well as male and female members of his audience (i.e. the spectators, or the readers). Tat is, the article suggests, namely the power message that the Don Juan fgure broadcasts to the culture it acts in

This Master's Final Degree Project analyses Virtual Power Plant concept and possibility of its application for prosumers. The regulations of Network Usage and Network usage fee are analysed as well as tariffs for prosumers for feeding in the network and the historical dynamic of the tariffs is analysed. Tendencies of prosumers development and regulation are described as well as a survey dedicated for prosumers to understand the problems with current regulations and procedures. The concept of Virtual Power Plant is analysed as well as the development of Virtual Power Plants abroad, comparison of functionality of various Virtual Power Plants and the good practice of South Australia Virtual Power Plants. Economic evaluation of energy saving at the network (using current net-metering prosumers scheme) and energy trade at virtual power plant is performed. Network charging practices and its challenges are analysed. The components of network price are analysed and proposed pricing philosophy using variable costs. EA-PSM software functionality and LRAIC model are analysed in order to evaluate its capacity to determine network costs. Evaluation of the pricing of the energy trade using Virtual Power Plant is performed both from prosumer and residential energy consumer perspective. From the prosumer's perspective, economical indexes of the solar power plant installation project are analysed due to the change in the price for the energy distribution in both low and medium voltage networks. From the residential consumer perspective, the energy savings made due to its connection to the virtual power plant are analysed. Analysis of regulation and legislation of the Virtual Power Plant are performed and recommendations for it are proposed.

China's efforts to expand its power (both hard and soft) are increasingly becoming the subject of public discourse. In 2019 the annual assessment of threats to national security published by the Lithuanian Department of Homeland Security and the Second Operational Services Department under the Ministry of National Defense notes that with increasing economical and political ambitions in the West, Chinese intelligence and security services are becoming more aggressive not only in other NATO and EU countries, but in Lithuania also. The report notes that in foreign countries, Chinese intelligence typically operates under diplomatic cover and uses instruments such as the Confucius Institutes funded by the Chinese government. Since 2010 in Lithuania there is also a Confucius Institute established on the initiative of Vilnius University and the HANBAN subdivision of the Ministry of Education of China, and there is practically no academic research in Lithuanian language of these institutes, which have already spread all over the world. This paper examines the problem of soft power as a factor that can strengthen the overall power of the state and helps create an image of a peaceful and attractive state. From a practical point of view, this problem is encountered in trying to answer the question, what kind of Chinese discourse is being developed in the countries where the Confucius Institutes, which propagate the Chinese language and culture, operate the most?

China's efforts to expand its power (both hard and soft) are increasingly becoming the subject of public discourse. In 2019 the annual assessment of threats to national security published by the Lithuanian Department of Homeland Security and the Second Operational Services Department under the Ministry of National Defense notes that with increasing economical and political ambitions in the West, Chinese intelligence and security services are becoming more aggressive not only in other NATO and EU countries, but in Lithuania also. The report notes that in foreign countries, Chinese intelligence typically operates under diplomatic cover and uses instruments such as the Confucius Institutes funded by the Chinese government. Since 2010 in Lithuania there is also a Confucius Institute established on the initiative of Vilnius University and the HANBAN subdivision of the Ministry of Education of China, and there is practically no academic research in Lithuanian language of these institutes, which have already spread all over the world. This paper examines the problem of soft power as a factor that can strengthen the overall power of the state and helps create an image of a peaceful and attractive state. From a practical point of view, this problem is encountered in trying to answer the question, what kind of Chinese discourse is being developed in the countries where the Confucius Institutes, which propagate the Chinese language and culture, operate the most?