Suchergebnisse

My two families :an auto-ethnography of the inernalized lived by and lived with family experience.We all have two families ;The ideal family :a tracing internalized ;R.D. Laing :the internalized family ;Psychologization of the nuclear family ;Putting the family back on the map /Korinne Weima --Learrning my mother's magic.Background :a personal journey ;Journey continued :toward a just and equitable practice ;A vision of difference :genogram of flight /Kathleen S.G. Skott-Myhre --Foucault and power in child protection.Burnt out ;Authority and power ;History of the family, youth, and child protection ;Theoretical underpinnings :Foucault and governmentality ;Auto-ethnography :filling the gap ;Power and the child protection worker ;Never without power /Helen Gibbs.

This paper examines the fundamental elements required for operating a wind turbine (WT) at its maximum power point (MPP). It focuses on measuring the wind speed and the power output from the electric generator (EG) over time to establish the relationship between the optimal mechanical angular velocity (MAV) and the wind speed, denoted as the function ωOPTIM(V). This function is crucial for controlling the power output of the electric generator, ensuring that the WT operates at its maximum power point. The study analyzes the measurements taken from the turbines in Siliștea in Dobrogea, Romania. The paper concludes by presenting an algorithm to determine the function ωOPTIM(V).

There exists a shifting balance of power in east asia. China, the rising power, is attempting to dismantle american hegemony in the indo-pacific. To counter growing chinese capabilities, the Trump administation has adopted a policy of active containment, escalating U.S.-China tensions. This paper will explore China's rise from the perspective of Great Power Politics, establish there is a power transition, and lastly, argue that the Trump's administation containment strategy has been fundamentally counter-productive to American interests in the region and unsuccessful at moderating Chinese behavior. Lessons can be drawn from the Trump adminitation's misteps that can be used to formulate more effective zchina policy under the Biden administration.

AbstractDrawing on never-before-utilized archival and oral sources, "Making Peasants Chèf" contends that decades of peasant marginalization from political power created the social and political conditions for the rise of the infamous tonton makout militia under the dictator François Duvalier. After coming to power in 1957, Duvalier militarized and rearmed peasants in exchange for their loyalty. Thousands of previously ostracized peasants enlisted in the dreaded makout militia to access status and political power. This explains why the peasant-based militia formed an arm of state repression. With the support of an armed peasantry, Duvalier successfully repressed the political opposition, allowing the regime to stay in power for almost three decades.

This paper will analyze the power of the nobles who had differences in the results of the executive and legislature in Bone regency. The argument that the authors have built is the persistence of aristocratic power in the executive, but declined in the legislature due to several things, one of which, the declining power of Golkar in the legislature. Although, basically remained in power Golkar executive evident during the Election Day since 2003 in the district Bone current period (2013-2018) the candidate regent and deputy regent who win elections have never stretcher parties other than Golkar. Golkar Party, the nobility, and Bone did have a close bond complex to be separated. Bone is a barn Golkar in South Sulawesi.

This article contextualises China's university think tanks in the history of higher education reforms and proposes that the development of university think tanks is the country's third attempt of institutional reforms in research. One of the goals of the reform is to rebalance the relationship between government power and knowledge producers. In light of the power–knowledge theory, this article utilises university think tanks in Shanghai as a case to assess how well China's new-type university think tanks have achieved the goal of rebalancing power–knowledge relations. Findings have shown that resource allocation and interaction mechanism are the two main factors influencing power–knowledge relations. (CIJ/GIGA)

We study whether competition affects banks' liquidity risk‐taking, which was at the heart of the 2008 financial crisis. We find that banks with greater market power take more liquidity risk, implying that decreased competition leads to financial fragility. During a financial crisis, however, the effect of market power on liquidity risk varies across bank size. Small banks with greater market power reduce liquidity risk while large banks with greater market power do not change their liquidity risk‐taking behavior. This suggests that enhanced charter values due to reduced competition lowers small banks' risk‐shifting incentives when their default risk significantly increases during a crisis. (JEL G21, G28)

We need to understand gendered power on a world scale. Research on gender and globalization, andrecent thought about coloniality and Southern theory, provide starting points, but the task of mappinggender relations in global power centres remains to be done. Four masculinized groups are especiallyimportant in global power relations: the managers of transnational corporations; the oligarchs, possessors ofextreme wealth; the dictators who control authoritarian states; and the state elites of the global metropole.Some research on gender relations in these milieux is available, showing different patterns of masculinity.Masculinities are embedded in neoliberal globalization. Gender relations on a world scale are affected by themovement of metropolitan power into offshore spaces, the conflicts among globally powerful p

The composition of the Lebanese Parliament is based on the allocation of a specific number of seats to each of the various minority groups (confessions) in this country, which is considered to be the only parliamentary democracy in Arab Middle East. Using tools from cooperat=ive game theory, this paper analyzes the power of different confessions in the Lebanese parliament. We study the difference between the 'apparent' power and the 'real' power of each minority group involved in the decision process. This paper also analyzes the impact of the new electoral reform on the power of each confession. We will show that the confessional compromise in Lebanon is far from being flawless. Adapted from the source document.

Power sharing, or the predetermined allocation of state resources to putative groups, is an increasingly popular conflict resolution mechanism throughout the globe. However, critics argue it rests on ill-founded assumptions of group fixity, deepening divides it seeks to overcome. Proponents
respond that liberal consociationalism reduces conflict by allowing for self-determined groups. In order to evaluate these claims, a model of power sharing explains the incidence of conflict in Jos, Nigeria. The findings refute the claims of liberal consociationalism regarding the conflict-mitigating
potential of self-determination of groups. National conflagration of localized conflict resulting from power sharing suggests that ethno-federal power sharing does not quarantine conflict.

AbstractCritical geopolitics highlights the construction of threats, space and identities along an inside‐outside line, and the subsequent normalization of the practice of power projection beyond one's own external boundary so as to obtain security within. When applied to the EU's response to piracy at the Horn of Africa, this approach allows understanding the role of geographical representations and the subsequent normalization of power projection activities as a response to piracy. Ultimately, this article demonstrates that the EU's geopolitical discourse and power projection activities transcend the somewhat benign image given by the Union as a civilian or normative power, although geopolitical interests and global governance principles are not incompatible.

В статье рассмотрены вопросы моделирования устройств обеспечения качества электроэнергии в распределительных сетях. Разработана модель системы электроснабжения с нелинейной и несимметричной нагрузкой, а также модель устройства обеспечения качества электроэнергии и его системы управления. Кроме того, оценено качество электроэнергии до и после включения технического средства. ; This article deals with simulation devices of power quality in distribution networks. The model of the power system with nonlinear and asymmetrical load and the model of power quality device and management systems are developed. Additionally, power quality is assessed before and after switching on the appliance. These research is carried out with financial support from the government by the Ministry of Education and Science of Russia.

For the past fifty years, the labor movement has experienced a dramatic decline in both its power and membership base. Labor's increasingly dependent and dysfunctional relationship with the Democratic Party is perhaps the dramatic indicator of its declining power. Despite the at best neglectful and at worst hostile relationship of Democratic legislators to the needs of working people, national union leaders continue to behave as though legislative corridors of power are the primary if not the only fix for what ails labor. Clearly, labor leaders have been unwilling to take the risks necessary to build new forms of power commensurate with the present political and economic challenge.

The nuclear meltdown in Fukushima has given renewed momentum to the anti-nuclear power movement across Europe. However, the degree of momentum varies greatly from country to country, and considering the geographically widespread consequences of a nuclear accident, it hardly appears optimal for one country to ban nuclear power while multiple nuclear power plants are still active in neighbouring countries. Even beyond the nuclear power dilemma, the economic and political externalities associated with energy policy are diffi cult to overstate. The contributions to this Forum look into the benefits expected from a comprehensive common energy policy for Europe and the problems which establishing such a policy would involve.