Suchergebnisse

published_or_final_version ; Comparative Asian Studies ; Master ; Master of Arts

Session 3: Military & Constitutional Politics in Sea - Slot 4 ; The Conference program & abstracts' website is located at http://www.google.com/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&frm=1&source=web&cd=4&ved=0CEoQFjAD&url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.euroseas.org%2Fplatform%2Ffiles%2Ffile%2FProceedings.pdf&ei=2xfOUuOCJ9GXiAeRl4DYCQ&usg=AFQjCNFMK7mKfnD7lGQTpv2ob5LHLik2rw&bvm=bv.59026428,d.aGc ; This paper explores the evolving political role of the Myanmar armed forces since the adoption of the 2008 Constitution and the subsequent military/civil transition engaged in 2011. It moves beyond transition and democratization studies and rediscovers theories of the "praetorian state" to apply them to the post-junta constitutional politics in Myanmar. Armed forces in transitional polities, the literature on praetorianism informs us, still aim to keep an eye on policymaking – mostly thanks to military-sanctioned Constitutions or through more subtle ways of political, social and corporate intervention. This paper therefore demonstrates how the Myanmar army still enjoys in a post-SPDC context the legal instruments, networks and political leverage to intrude as a "praetorian ruler" into state affairs, notably through the provisions of the 2008 Constitution. It argues that, instead of a direct military rule (as observed until 2011), "praetorian" practices will be rediscovered in the 2010s thanks to the constitutional prerogatives the Myanmar military institution has secured after a decade-long Constitution-drafting process. Indeed, whilst keeping vested interests in the newly formed post-junta and civilian-led executive and legislative powers, the Myanmar army seems however willing to now stay away from day-to-day politics. Gradually tolerating a greater policy role for civilians, it will nonetheless continue to shape, through various types of praetorian interventions, Myanmar's foreign and domestic policies, as well as influence future reforms. ; postprint

The successive constitutional crises that confronted the Pakistani courts were not of their own making. But the doctrinally inconsistent, judicially inappropriate, and politically timid responses fashioned by these courts ultimately undermined constitutional governance. When confronted with the question of the validity and scope of extra constitutional power, the courts vacillated between Hans Kelsen's theory of revolutionary validity, Hugo Grotius's theory of implied mandate, and an expansive construction of the doctrine of state necessity. A more principled and realistic response would have been to declare the validity of extra constitutional regimes a nonjusticiable political question. Besides ensuring doctrinal consistency, a refusal to furnish extra constitutional regimes with judicially pronounced validity may well have discouraged praetorian encroachment upon constitutional governance. A consistent refusal to pronounce upon nonjusticiable political questions might have promoted a democratic constitution building process by implicitly reminding the body politic of its primary responsibility to build and preserve constitutional orders. Furthermore, during the periods when these courts had the opportunity to exercise judicial review under a constitution, they failed to enunciate a consistent and coherent standard of review. By misapplying the political question doctrine, the courts implied that democratically elected legislatures possess unfettered legislative power. By refusing to fashion judicial checks against potential tyranny of the majority, the courts acquiesced in the contraction of fundamental rights and the diminution of federalism during the Fourth Republic. This facilitated the demise of the Fourth Republic following yet another military usurpation of power. A better approach would have been for the courts to invalidate any legislation which jeopardized the basic structure and essential features of the constitution.

The article endeavours to account for the intriguing socio-political phenomenon, illustrated by the case of Israel, that military coups (or praetorianism) are thwarted not because of the resilience of democratic institutions and the absence of war, but because the society is culturally militaristic and is in a protracted state of war. This argument, which hypothesizes an inverse relationship between militarism and praetorianism, is based on an examination of the Israeli state from its foundation up until the present day. During that period, the depiction of the Israeli nation-in-arms has been embodied by non-praetorian militarism. ; The article endeavours to account for the intriguing socio-political phenomenon, illustrated by the case of Israel, that military coups (or praetorianism) are thwarted not because of the resilience of democratic institutions and the absence of war, but because the society is culturally militaristic and is in a protracted state of war. This argument, which hypothesizes an inverse relationship between militarism and praetorianism, is based on an examination of the Israeli state from its foundation up until the present day. During that period, the depiction of the Israeli nation-in-arms has been embodied by non-praetorian militarism.

Military forces have had many important roles in political life in Southeast Asia where the military has a full power or major role and influence in the domestic politics. These forms of military intervention in domestic politics are called praetorianism, which is characterized by the military being more inclined to take care of domestic political affairs rather than carrying out its professional duties as guardians of sovereignty from external threats. We can find this practice from seeing the New Order regime in Indonesia to the Military Junta of Myanmar and Thailand. This paper aims to analyze what factors are the background of the widespread practice of praetorianism and how the practice can last for a certain period of time, even still to this day in Southeast Asia. The main argument is the weak political institutions and the low political culture of developing country are the main causes of various intervention efforts made by the armed forces in the domestic political realm of a country.

This essay reconsiders not so much the forms taken by the cult of Bolivar within its official expression as the way it became a theory for thought and political action in the long term. We will consider civil-military relations –the cornerstone of Hugo Chávez' Bolivarian Project– the representations linked to Bolivarian ideology both inside and outside the academic world, and finally the recent and biased memorial rewriting of the present day in Venezuela. ; Este ensayo reconsidera no tanto las modalidades del culto a Bolívar en su vertiente oficialista sino la manera como se convirtió en teoría para el pensamiento y la acción política en el tiempo largo. Con este fin, insistiremos en la problemática de las relaciones cívico- militares, piedra de toque del proyecto bolivariano de Hugo Chávez. Asimismo contemplaremos las representaciones ligadas al ideario bolivariano tanto dentro como fuera del mundo académico y del gremio de los historiadores, incluyendo las recientes y tendenciosas reescrituras memoriales del tiempo presente venezolano.

Guyana and Suriname both re-assumed the path to democracy in the early 1990s. Guyana had from 1968 to 1992 experienced an authoritarian regime with the People's National Congress (PNC), led by Forbes Burnham, maintaining power by rigged elections and the support of the security forces. In Suriname, on the other hand, the elected government of Prime Minister Henck Arron was overthrown by a military coup in 1980. This article traces the establishment of authoritarianism in these two countries and examines the factors which propelled each country towards the restoration of democracy. The central argument is that authoritarianism in Guyana resulted from the success of Forbes Burnham in subordinating the military to party rule while the military take-over in Suriname resulted from the mismanagement of civil-military relations by the government of Henck Arron. However, maintaining an authoritarian regime proved costly in both cases. The need for external aid rendered the regimes susceptible to foreign pressure for a return to free and fair elections. All of this occurred in a new hemispheric context shaped by the end of the Cold War, the stated goal of the United States to have the area become a zone of democracy, and impending foreign military intervention to restore the ousted Aristide government to power in Haiti. Resumen: Redemocratización en Guyana y Suriname: Comparaciones CríticasTanto Guyana como Suriname retomaron el camino hacia la democracia a comienzos de la década de los noventa. Desde 1968 hasta 1992, Guyana tuvo un régimen autoritario con el Congreso Nacional del Pueblo (People's National Congress o PNC), liderado por Forbes Burnham, que se mantuvo en el poder gracias a la manipulación de las elecciones y al apoyo de las fuerzas de seguridad. En Suriname, por otro lado, el gobierno electo del primer ministro Henck Arron fue derrocado por un golpe de estado militar en el año 1980. Este artículo describe el establecimiento del autoritarismo en estos dos países y examina los factores que empujaron a cada uno de ellos hacia la restauración de la democracia. El argumento central es que el autoritarismo en Guyana fue consecuencia del éxito de Forbes Burnham a la hora de subordinar el ejército al partido, mientras que en Suriname el golpe de estado militar fue el resultado de la negligencia en el manejo de las relaciones civiles-militares por parte del gobierno de Henck Arron. Sin embargo, el mantenimiento de un régimen autoritario demostró ser costoso en ambos casos. La necesidad de ayuda externa hizo que ambos regímenes fueran vulnerables a la presión extranjera a favor de un retorno a las elecciones libres y justas. Todo esto ocurrió en un contexto hemisférico delineado por el fin de la Guerra Fría, el claro objetivo de los Estados Unidos de hacer que el área se convirtiera en una zona de democracia, y una inminente intervención militar para restaurar en el gobierno de Haití al derrocado Aristide.

Based on the example of the Turkish military's involvement in the country's economy, this article seeks to complement the concept of praetorionism and to highlight the mechanisms of indirect praetorionism. The Turkish army plays an important role in the country's economy, while the military pension fund OYAK is considered one of the country's business giants. It provides an opportunity to maintain disproportionate institutional autonomy and weakens civilian control mechanisms. This provides the military with additional instruments of political influence and encourages the emergence of hidden mechanisms of praetorianism. The article seeks to understand new phenomena and trends in the interaction between the society and the military, as the involvement of the Turkish army in the country's economy changes the concept of praetorianism and provides new, indirect ways of intervening in public policy. Because of how the Turkish military controls business companies using a privileged position in the country's economy, corruption mechanisms that influence the mechanisms of the redistribution of economic resources and the pursuit of rents have an indirect impact on the political system of the state. In this way, military entrepreneurship has transformed the conceptual structure of praetorians and complemented interventions with indirect forms of influence, such as corruption, economic dominance, and the distortion of economic reforms. ; Remiantis Turkijos kariuomenės dalyvavimo šalies ekonomikoje pavyzdžiu, straipsnyje siekiama papildyti pretorionizmo koncepciją ir išryškinti netiesioginio pretorionizmo mechanizmus. Turkijos kariuomenė vaidina svarbų vaidmenį šalies ekonomikoje, o kariuomenės pensijų fondas OYAK laikomas vienu iš šalies verslo gigantų. Ekonominė veikla atveria galimybę išlaikyti neproporcingą kariuomenės autonomiją, silpnina civilinę kontrolę, užtikrina papildomą kariuomenės įtaką politikoje ir skatina pretorionizmo mechanizmų atsiradimą. Straipsnyje siekiama suvokti naujus visuomenės ir kariuomenės sąveikos reiškinius ir tendencijas, kai dėl kariuomenės dalyvavimo šalies ekonomikoje keičiasi pretorionizmo koncepcija, atsiranda naujų netiesioginių intervencijos į valstybės politiką būdų, nes Turkijos kariuomenės kontroliuojami verslo subjektai, naudodamiesi privilegijuota pozicija šalies ekonomikoje, korupciniais mechanizmais, daro netiesioginį poveikį politinei valstybės sistemai. Šitaip kariuomenės verslumas transformuoja pretorionizmo koncepcinę struktūrą, papildo tiesioginius intervencinius veiksmus netiesioginėmis formomis, tokiomis kaip korupcija, ekonominis dominavimas, ekonominių reformų iškraipymas.

Askeri darbelerin sık rastlandığı Batı Afrika alt bölgesinde, bu darbelerin açıklanmasına dair pek çok iç siyasal faktör öne çıkarılmıştır. Bununla birlikte, eski sömürge ülkelerin siyasi, askeri ve ekonomik olarak dışa bağımlılıkları bu ülkeleri dış nüfuza da açık hale getirmektedir. Nitekim eski sömürgeci güçler veya güçlü devletlerin, gelişmekte olan ülkelerle kurdukları eşitsiz ilişki bilerek veya bilmeyerek istikrarsızlığa neden olabilmektedir. Rejimin durumu, etnik mücadele, pretoryanizm, ordunun iç güvenlik konularında görevlendirilmesi ve kaynakların dengesiz dağılımı gibi sivil-asker ilişkilerini etkileyen faktörlere dış etkenlerin de dahil edilmesi söz konusu ilişki dikkate alındığında elzem görünmektedir. İç dinamiklerin dış etkilere karşı savunmasız hale getirdiği bir ülkede dış aktörler siyasal krizlerde etkili şekilde rol alabilmektedirler. Ordunun eğitimi, yabancı askeri danışmanlar, dış yardımlar, yabancı askeri üs ve yatırım gibi araçlar, ordunun siyasete yönelik müdahalesine destek veya engel teşkil edebilecek bir dış nüfuzu üretmektedir. Dolayısıyla ordu mensuplarının dış sosyalizasyonu, sivil-asker ilişkileri analizlerinde dikkate alınması gereken bir unsur olarak belirmektedir. Bu çalışmada Liberya'da 1980 yılında gerçekleşen askeri darbe örneği üzerinden dış aktör olarak ABD'nin rolü ve etkisi sorgulanacaktır. ; In the sub-region of West Africa, where military coups are common, many domestic political factors have been brought forward to explain these coups. However, the political, military and economic dependence of the former colonial countries on the outside makes them vulnerable to external influence. As a matter of fact, the unequal relationship established by the former colonial powers or powerful states with the developing countries can cause instability deliberately or unknowingly. The inclusion of external factors in the factors affecting civil-military relations, such as the state of the regime, ethnic struggle, preterianism, the deployment of the army on internal security issues and the unbalanced distribution of resources, is essential when considering this relationship. In a country where internal dynamics make it vulnerable to external influences, external actors can play an active role in political crises. The training of the military, foreign military advisers, foreign aid, foreign military base and investment instruments produce an external influence that may constitute support or obstacle to the military's intervention in politics. Therefore, the external socialization of the members of the army appears to be a factor to be considered in the analysis of civil-military relations. In this study, the role and impact of the US as an external actor will be questioned through the example of military coup in 1980 in Liberia.

This paper is a comparison of democracy structure between two Southeast Asian Nations, Indonesia and Myanmar during their early periods of Post-Praetorianism era where the state was controlled and dominated by the military. This paper found that In Indonesia, democratization after reformasi era in 1998 had successfully changed the structure of power, where the military determination in politics had been decline significantly, despite the military still hold the power to influence political and economic affairs. In Myanmar, the democratization was a result of long term transition previously planned by the military regime, so even in 2010 democratic election, the military still hold the control over the politics and tend to preserve their power within the new face of democratic system.

Praetorianism is an administration system where the military takes an active role in political decisions openly or covertly. The purpose of this study is to determine the levels of school principals' praetorianistic behavior. This research was designed with a descriptive scanning model. The target universe of the research includes 370 school directors working in state and private secondary schools in 25 districts of Ankara. In the research, the entire universe was reached and a "complete counting" technique was used. Data of the study were obtained using the praetorianism scale developed by the researcher. The data were analyzed using descriptive statistical methods. According to the results of the study, the most praetorianistic behavior of the school principals' is 'helpfulness'. However, 'authoritarianism', 'sordidness', 'compelling', 'negative criticism', and 'orientation' are the praetorianistic behaviors of school principals. The praetorianistic behaviors of school principals differ significantly according to the variables of gender, educational status, school type, and sector. On the other hand, it has been determined that professional tenure does not differentiate between praetorianistic behaviors. ; Praetoryanizm, askeri veya sivil otoritelerin siyasi ve sosyal kararlarda açık veya gizli olarak aktif bir rol aldığı vesayete dayalı bir yönetim sistemidir. Bu çalışmanın amacı, okul müdürlerinin praetoryanist davranış biçimlerini gösterme düzeylerinin belirlenmesidir. Bu araştırma, betimsel tarama modeli ile tasarlanmıştır. Araştırmanın hedef evrenini, Ankara ilinin 25 ilçesinde resmi ve özel ortaöğretim okullarında görev yapmakta olan 370 okul müdürü oluşturmaktadır. Araştırmada evrenin tamamına ulaşılarak, "tam sayım" tekniği kullanılmıştır. Çalışmanın verileri, araştırmacı tarafından geliştirilen praetoryanizm ölçeği kullanılarak elde edilmiştir. Veriler, betimsel istatistik yöntemleri kullanılarak analiz edilmiştir. Çalışma sonuçlarına göre, okul müdürlerinin en çok sahip oldukları praetoryanist davranışın 'yardımseverlik' olduğu sonucuna ulaşılmıştır. Bununla birlikte 'otoriterlik', 'yararcılık', 'zorlayıcılık', 'olumsuz eleştiri', 'sınırlayıcılık ve 'yönlendiricilik' de okul müdürlerinin sahip olduğu praetoryanist davranışlardandır. Okul müdürlerinin praetoryanist davranışları, cinsiyet, eğitim durumu, okul türü ve eğitim kolu (sektör) değişkenlerine göre anlamlı bir şekilde farklılaşmaktadır. Buna karşın mesleki kıdemin praetoryanist davranışları farklılaştırmadığı belirlenmiştir.

The COVID-19 crisis broke out in Spain when the effects of the Great Recession that began in2008 had not completely passed, so that from 2020 two crises overlapped: the end of the GreatRecession and the beginning of the COVID-19. Naturally, both affected security and defensepolicy and, by extension, civil-military relations in Spain. We have already analyzed the first inseveral previous studies in which the effects of the Great Recession in our country and theArmed Forces have been analyzed until 2018, while the second is the main contribution of thispaper. Apart from this, we will also examine other relevant issues of recent years (2019-2021),such as, for example, the persistence of Neo-Praetorianism that began in 2006 and lasts until2021, the first National Defense Directive of President Sánchez (2018-) , the new organization ofthe Armed Forces, the manipulation of the demands of the military by the extreme right andother classic topics in this kind of research (military spending, material policy, personnel policy,international missions, etc.).

Resumen Tras casi dos décadas de revolución bolivariana se han generado cambios significativos con respecto a la participación de los militares en la vida política y económica del país. A partir de la revisión documental sobre el pretorianismo en Venezuela, este artículo de reflexión da cuenta de la inexistencia de control civil sobre el poder militar y del creciente involucramiento de los militares en casi todas las instancias institucionales del país. Al respecto, se sostiene la hipótesis que esa creciente participación de los militares ha sido un proceso que ha conducido al retroceso democrático de Venezuela al establecerse una «alianza» entre el Partido Socialista Unido de Venezuela (PSUV) y la Fuerza Armada Nacional Bolivariana (FANB), construyendo un complejo entramado institucional que profundiza el autoritarismo en el país. ; Abstract Almost two decades of the Bolivarian Revolution brought significant changes, due to military participation in the political and economic life of Venezuela. From the literature review on praetorianism in Venezuela, this article outlines the inexistence of civil control upon military power and the growing military interference in almost all institutional instances of the country. The alliance established between the government party, Partido Socialista Unido de Venezuela (PSUV), and the military forces, Fuerza Armada Nacional Bolivariana (FANB), brought about a democratic retrogression in Venezuela, building up a network which deepens authoritarianism in the country.

Tras casi dos décadas de revolución bolivariana se han generado cambios significativos con respecto a la participación de los militares en la vida política y económica del país. A partir de la revisión documental sobre el pretorianismo en Venezuela, este artículo de reflexión da cuenta de la inexistencia de control civil sobre el poder militar y del creciente involucramiento de los militares en casi todas las instancias institucionales del país. Al respecto, se sostiene la hipótesis que esa creciente participación de los militares ha sido un proceso que ha conducido al retroceso democrático de Venezuela al establecerse una "alianza" entre el Partido Socialista Unido de Venezuela (PSUV) y la Fuerza Armada Nacional Bolivariana (FANB), construyendo un complejo entramado institucional que profundiza el autoritarismo en el país. ; Almost two decades of the Bolivarian Revolution brought significant changes,due to military participation in the political and economic life of Venezuela. From theliterature review on praetorianism in Venezuela, this article outlines the inexistenceof civil control upon military power and the growing military interference in almostall institutional instances of the country. The alliance established between thegovernment party, Partido Socialista Unido de Venezuela (PSUV), and the militaryforces, Fuerza Armada Nacional Bolivariana (FANB), brought about a democraticretrogression in Venezuela, building up a network which deepens authoritarianismin the country.

This work wants to analyze, from the theoretical-conceptual architectural frame of the General Theory of Social Systems (TGSS), and problematize the relationships and the logical articulations between the system of politics, economics and law to observe what have been the hetero-descriptions of the democratic state in the periphery of modern society (1).The processes of functional differentiation characterizing the institutionalization of structures and expectations –normative, cognitive– in the evolutionary becoming of the State-nation, in Latin America, stabilized the logic of the patrimonial political centralism, so that the history of innumerable legal-political and economic reforms have been used rather to perpetuate the status quo than to change something (2). It's interesting to observe, for this reason, the developing of many forms of coordination and social development to achieve the desired modernity in the continent, from the presidential caudillism, Cepalian developmentalism (1950), military praetorianism (1970), till the forms of economical laissez faire (1990). These models have basically revolved around the valorization of the clientelistic political regime as a central space for the construction of democracy and the market (3). In this context, cognitive and normative expectations (law) have not managed to generate lasting political accommodations that facilitate sociopolitical evolution, where corporations, families and clientelistic caudillism continue to prevail, except the institutionalized expectations (4). The question then is not how 'democracy should be', but how is this possible in this periphery of modernity.