This paper examines the electoral impact of the counting and transfer of lower preference votes on Dail elections since 1922. The relationship between transfers and constituency size is assessed, and it is shown that a constituency size of at least five members is needed before transfers have an even chance of affecting the final result. Only Fine Gael has benefited significantly in net terms from transfers, while both Fianna Fail and Independents have lost. On only one occasion has the number of seats changing hands as a result of transfers been so great as to significantly affect the relative strengths of the various parties in the Dail.
State control over the labour market usually results in the creation of different categories of labour, each having partial and unequal access to that market. In the Third World, typically, justification for control arises from an over-supply of unskilled rural labour and a small demand for such labour in the wage economy. To reduce massive urban unemployment, the state attempts to control the process of rural-urban migration by, inter alia, manipulating the labour market. ^ In South Africa, the civilised labour policy of the Pact government and the highly sophisticated system of black influx control introduced after the Second World War are two examples of such state control. In these cases, racial categories of labour, having differential access to the labour market, were created. The policy of Coloured Labour Preference is another South African example which is of particular interest since it is applied solely to one region of the Republic. Since 1962, when it was administratively coordinated for the first time, this policy has been applied in the Western Cape, a region comprising the 68 magisterial districts situated south-west of Port Elizabeth, Kimberley and the Orange River. In this region, black work-seekers' access to the labour market is severely curtailed. A series of regulations, particular to the Western Cape, are applied with the object of restricting the number of blacks resident in the region; denying blacks permanent rights of sojourn in the region; restricting the scope of employment for blacks in the region; and favouring coloured above black work-seekers throughout the region. In short, the policy aims to replace black by coloured labour and thereby aims to reduce to a minimum the number of blacks in the region. ; Digitised by Rhodes University Library on behalf of the Institute of Social and Economic Research (ISER)
Reuse of record except for individual research requires license from Congressional Information Service, Inc. ; Hearings held Mar. 1-July 29, 1977, on a bill to require that a percentage of United States oil imports be carried on United States-flag vessels. ; CIS Microfiche Accession Numbers: CIS 77 H561-25 ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Microfiche. ; Mode of access: Internet.
Reuse of record except for individual research requires license from Congressional Information Service, Inc. ; CIS Microfiche Accession Numbers: CIS 78 S261-12 ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Microfiche. ; Mode of access: Internet.
Reuse of record except for individual research requires license from Congressional Information Service, Inc. ; "Serial no. 93-26." ; Hearings held Oct. 9, 1973-Mar. 14, 1974, on H.R. 7304, and others: bills to require that a percentage of United States oil imports be carried on United States flag vessels. ; CIS Microfiche Accession Numbers: CIS 74 H561-10 ; Microfiche. ; Mode of access: Internet.
This paper extends Bowen's theorem on the efficiency of majority-chosen public expenditures. It also discusses situations under which majority rule is likely to lead to inefficient outcomes.
This paper extends Bowen's theorem on the efficiency of majority-chosen public expenditures. It also discusses situations under which majority rule is likely to lead to inefficient outcomes.
This paper summarizes in non-tabular form the results of a study of Native voting behaviour in rural Alaska between 1958 and 1968. Election results from every precinct corresponding to a community identified by the Federal Field Committee for Development Planning in Alaska as "predominantly Native" were recorded on IBM cards. . It should be noted that the resultant data pertain only to rural Native electoral behaviour. . The Federal Field Committee for Development Planning in Alaska estimates that something over 70 per cent of Alaska's Natives live in 178 villages or towns that are predominantly Native - places where half or more of the residents are Native. Another 25 per cent of Alaska's Natives live in urban centres of Anchorage, Fairbanks, Juneau, Ketchikan, Kodiak and Sitka. The remainder live in non-Native towns and in one- or two-family locations. It should also be noted that most Native villages have some resident non-Natives whose votes are included in the published precinct total. In the cases of Dillingham and Bethel, this non-Native population component is sizeable. . Data show that 12,097 rural Natives voted in the 1968 general election. This is 4,931 more than voted in the general election a decade earlier, and represents a 69 per cent increase between 1958 and 1968. The number of Eskimo voters almost doubled during this period - from 4,485 to 8,640 - whereas the number of Southeast Indian (Tlingit, Haida, and Tsimpsian) voters stayed relatively constant - from 1,101 in 1958 to 1,218 in 1968, or an 11 per cent increase. Interior Indian (Athabascan) voters increased from 1,186 in 1958 to 1,674 in 1968, and Aleut voters increased from 394 in 1958 to 565 in 1968, 43 per cent and 41 per cent increases respectively. The largest number of Eskimos and Interior Indians voted in 1968. However, the largest number of Aleuts and Southeast Indians voted in 1964. . Of the two major U.S. political parties, the Democratic party is clearly the stronger among rural Native voters in Alaska. (During the period 1960 to 1968, no candidate identified with a party other than the Democratic and Republican parties drew an appreciable vote.) In each election contest for U.S. president, state governor, U.S. representative and U.S. senator between 1960 and 1968 (5 general elections and 14 separate contests), the percentage of votes cast for Democratic candidates in the Native villages exceeded the percentage of votes cast for the same Democratic candidates in the state as a whole by an average of 12 percentage points. In none of the 14 single contests did the state-wide electoral support for a Democratic candidate exceed the Native village electoral support. Although the data show a clear over-all preference for the Democratic party in rural Native precincts, they also show that the patterns of party preference are not static. In 1968, for example, 60 villages (38 per cent of the total) registered a Republican or no clear party preference. This compares with 30 such Republican or competitive villages (19 per cent of the total number) in 1966, and only 11 (7 per cent of the total number) in 1964. Of the 54 villages which registered a Republican party preference in the five general elections between 1960 and 1968, 26 did so in only one of these elections. Of the 17 Eskimo villages that indicated a Republican party preference in 1960, only 9 did so again in 1968. The villages in individual election districts show different degrees of attachment to the dominant party. In the 1968 general election in the seven election districts controlled by Native voters, for example, villagers voted solidly Democratic in four districts . and highly fragmented their vote along party lines in three districts . The figures themselves offer no clues to the reasons for shifting party preference. . .
A series of experiments was carried out to compare several administrative systems at Achievement Place, a family style behavior modification program for pre-delinquent boys. One aspect of the motivation system at Achievement Place was the token economy in which the youths could earn or lose points that could be exchanged for privileges. Several arrangements for assigning routine tasks and for providing token consequences for task performance were compared for their effectiveness in accomplishing the tasks and for their preference by the boys. The independent variables studied included: (1) individually assigned tasks versus group assigned tasks; (2) consequences for individual performance versus consequences for group performance; (3) a peer managership that could be earned by the highest bidder versus a peer managership that could be determined democratically by the peers. The results suggested that among those systems studied the system that best met the criteria of effectiveness and preference involved a democratically elected peer manager who had the authority both to give and to take away points for his peers' performances.
A journal article analyzing the Rhodesian referendum of 1922. ; The success of the Resposible Government Association in the referendum of October 1922, in which the electorate supported Responsible Government in preference to Union with South Africa, is clearly a significant turning- point in Southern Rhodesian history. There has been little analysis, however, of how and why this result came about,' and the vote for Responsible Government has simply been attributed to the natural outcome of 'British instincts' and Imperial sentiment. These factors undoubtedly contributed to some extent, but were not the prime causes underlying the settlers' decision.
