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The study focuses on the personalization strategies of political leaders on Twitter, in order to verify how the dimensions of personalization of politics typical of television setting are adapted in the new digital habitat. Following the selection of specific indicators the research analyses the tweets produced by the main Italian leaders over a year and a half. The multiple correspondence analysis (MCA) has identified three specific self personalization strategies: (i) Professional Leader, (ii) Intimate Persona, (iii) Intimate Leader, which have been related with the average of the likes received. The results confirmed that the adoption of personalized strategies is now part of the leaders' communicative preferences particularly through messages aimed at presenting their most intimate and personal side. At the same time, the research showed the users' preferences for these strategies aimed at strengthening the sense (or illusion) of greater intimacy with the politician. From this perspective the study also allows to understand the meaning that arenas like Twitter offer to the process of "shortening the distances" between citizens and political representatives. In this regard, we point out that the transition from TV to social media further accentuates personalization, giving politicians entire control over their self-disclosure activities

The essay reflects on the harmful effect that recourse to post-truth (modern form of political lie) supposes for democracy. Taking Hannah Arendt's thought as a reference, the Author analyzes the role that truth plays in the political sphere and the recourse to lying as a mode of domination by totalitarian political systems where reality constitutes an uncomfortable fact. Opposite with these systems, democracies try to preserve the autonomy of citizens to shape their political preferences, in a context dominated by reason and truth, against the deformations of reality generated by the use of emotions and lies.

Il presente documento illustra il progetto «Preference for long-term care options in community-dwelling older adults» realizzato nell'ambito del Programma nazionale di ricerca 74 – Smarter Health Care (PNR74). Destinato ai servizi cantonali della sanità pubblica, si prefigge di mettere a disposizione uno strumento (sotto forma di storie) che consenta di raccogliere l'opinione degli anziani per poi integrarla in una pianificazione delle cure di lunga durata in linea con le loro aspettative. Per illustrare la procedura vengono riassunti i principali risultati osservati nell'ambito del progetto. Poiché le preferenze possono variare in funzione dell'ambiente socioculturale e sanitario, il metodo dovrebbe essere applicato localmente, per accompagnare l'elaborazione delle politiche cantonali.

Il contributo, che prende le mosse dal decreto legge n. 86 del 2020 con il quale il Governo si è sostituito alla Regione Puglia per introdurre nella legge elettorale regionale la doppia preferenza di genere vuole offrire una riflessione sulla possibilità per il Governo di attuare la procedura prevista dall'art. 120 della Costituzione per sostituirsi alle regioni in materie legislative, evidenziando i limiti costituzionali di tale scelta. ; By decree law n. 86/2020 the Government replaced the Puglia Region to introduce the gender preference in the regional electoral law. The aim of this paper is to offer a reflection on the possibility for the Government to implement the procedure provided by the art. 120 of the Constitution to replace the Regions in legislative matters, highlighting the constitutional limits of this choice.

In the last decades a growing awareness emerged of the relevance of corruption as an hidden factor which may negatively affect political and economic decision-making processes. In spite of a lively scientific debate there is no general consensus on a commonly accepted definition of what corruption is. The A. distinguishes three main paradigms, focusing on different (though not irreconcilable) variables. The first is the economic paradigm, which usually takes the principal-agent model of corruption as its founding pillar. In this paradigm corruption is considered the outcome of rational individual choices, and its spread within a certain organization is influenced by the factors defining the structure of expected costs and rewards. A second approach – the cultural paradigm – looks at the differences in cultural traditions, social norms and interiorized values which shape individuals' moral preferences and consideration of his social and institutional role. These are a leading forces that can push a corrupt public or private agent (not) to violate legal norms. A third neo-institutional approach considers also mechanisms which allow the internal regulation of social interactions within corrupt networks, and their effects on individuals' beliefs and preferences. Though the corrupt agreements cannot be enforced with legal sanctions, several informal, non-written rules, contractual provisos and conventions may regulate the corrupt exchange between agent and corruptor. The A. underlines that corruption is the outcome of a multitude of individual and collective choices which change public opinion towards corruption and its diffusion throughout the state, markets and civil society. There is no univocal recipe to deal with anti-bribery measures, since corruption is a complex and multifaceted phenomenon. Reforms aimed at dismantling systemic corruption have to be finely tuned against its hidden governance structures, i.e. its internal regulation of exchanges and relationships. Otherwise, a vicious circle may emerge: the more an anti-corruption policy is needed, because corruption is systemic and enforced by effective third-parties, the less probable its formulation and implementation. Only when official rules are complemented by coherent informal institutions, bottom-up initiatives, they tend to produce the expected outcomes and make anticorruption regulation more effective.

Recent contributions have underlined the 'political' significance of Schiller's essay on The legislation of Lycurgus and Solon – «perhaps the most political writing» of the German poet, as it was argued. The concrete political significance of the essay can be reconstructed considering this writing based on university lessons held in 1789 in the context of the Quarrel of the Ancients and the Moderns in the late 18th century and investigating the historical and cultural premises of the preference accorded by Schiller to Solon and Athens to the detriment of Lycurgus and Sparta. In the year of the French Revolution Schiller – the freedom-fighter and the believer in human rights – draws a continuity line from ancient Athens to modern Europe. On the other hand, some meaningful contradictions of his argumentation reveal the fundamental difficulty that emerges comparing the liberty of the Ancients with the liberty of the Moderns.

Social, cultural and demographic changes due to economic growth lead to changes on food production patterns. Increased instruction levels, strong urbanization and consequent depopulation of rural areas, increased number of working women, increased wealth of families, growth and differentiation of food demand led to deep innovations in consumers priorities and choices: consumption behaviors are now more focused on food safety (search for secure, healthy and even biological food) rather than food security (the problem of food scarcity no longer affects the developed countries). Food producers and distributors, in particular large scale distribution, gradually adapted their strategies to meet the emerging consumers' preferences. In this paper we analyze the brand management strategy ViviVerde" pursued by Coop and, with an analysis of the demand elasticity of the food products sold with the ViviVerde label (eggs, milk, fresh cheese, pasta, fruit juices) from January 2010 to May 2012.

In this essay I discuss one of the objections raised by David Enoch in his recent Against Public Reason. According to Enoch, public-reason theorists misinterpret the role that rea-sons for the action play in the political sphere. Treating the most deeply held beliefs as mere preferences, public-reason theorists end up supporting a paternalistic view that vio-lates people's freedom and equality. In this essay I try to dismiss this charge, without de-fending the idea of public reason. The essay is divided into six parts. §1 introduces the problem with an example. §2 lays out the general idea of public reason. §3 illustrates Enoch's objection. §4 briefly introduces standard responses to the objection and Enoch's possible counter-arguments. §5, with the help of some formalization, explains how non-public reasons work, addresses Enoch's ob-jection, and present some doubt on the idea of public reason. §6 concludes.

This paper provides an overview of Oakeshott's vision of the innovation in politics within his doctrine of political conservatism. Against any rationalist conception of innovation as change produced by a "dream of perfection", Oakeshott's idea of innovation is part of a skeptical conception of political power that assigns relevance to the continuity of tradition and prevents inventions, sudden changes, intellectual vagaries and theoretical whims. For Oakeshott, the conservative disposition in politics rejects induced and unnatural changes because it treats them as a deprivation of the things that it has deeply enjoyed. Hence the preference of conservative politicians for a slow and gradual change, imposed by contingency, that aims to preserve the cultural identity and the social and institutional order. The paper concludes with a comparison on the theme of innovation between the Oakeshott's political skepticism and the position of the most influential conservative thinkers of the twentieth century.

L'intervista indaga le evoluzioni del mondo della rilevazione demoscopica in un Paese come l'Italia che, negli ultimi anni, ha visto emergere nuovi soggetti politici ed in cui i social network stanno assumendo un valore sempre maggiore. Partendo dalla presunta "morte del sondaggio" e arrivando ad analizzare i nuovi metodi di rilevazione demoscopica offerti dalla rete, Paolo Natale spiega come e perché il sondaggio stesso resta, all'interno del dibattito politico, uno strumento di studio molto rilevante, seppur perfettibile. L'intervista tratta e contestualizza anche gli errori recenti commessi dai sondaggi.The interview analyses the role and efficacy of the political survey in an environment that is facing conspicuous changes, in particular with reference to the role of the social media. Starting from the hypothesis of the death of the survey and discussing new methods to test political opinion and electoral behavior, Natale explains why the survey is still a valuable method and tool to analysis the citizens' preferences. The interview discusses also some recent failures in forecasting the electoral results.

La tesi si propone di trattare aspetti di natura gestionale ricorrendo alla teoria neo-istituzionale e neoclassica, mediante misure di valutazioni economiche adottate dalla Economia delle Risorse e dell'Ambiente. Il lavoro concerne l'applicazione di un modello di scelta di aiuto alla gestione di una piccola porzione della fascia costiera del Comune di Tarquinia interessata dalla presenza di un area protetta: la Salina di Tarquinia. Finalità di tale tesi è studiare come differenti stakeholder istituzionali rispondono alla proposta di nuovi obiettivi di gestione e pianificazione delle coste e delle aree protette, utilizzando la tecnica delle preferenze dichiarate (choice modelling). L'analisi di tale lavoro non si focalizza sul modo di risolvere o analizzare potenziali esternalità derivanti da conflitti istituzionali o di mercato, ma su come costruire un core di certezze, attraverso tecniche partecipative, che possa essere di aiuto allo programmazione dell'area. Successivamente l'analisi del benessere, per un'ipotetica apertura della Riserva a pagamento, è stata realizzata valutando le preferenze di un pubblico vasto. I risultati ottenuti fanno emergere interessanti considerazioni sulla possibilità di adeguare il framework gestionale e promuovere nuove forme di governance capaci di ridurre gli attuali contrasti nella gestione e di tenere in considerazione anche delle preferenze del pubblico. ; This thesis regards management strategies for protected areas by adopting the neo-institutional and neo-classical economic approach. The latter is invoked by setting up a resource economic valuation generally addressed by Environmental Economics. This contribution concerns more specifically the application of an econometric model (conditional logit model) to give a support in managing a small coastal area located in the borough of Tarquinia: The Tarquinia Saltwork (Salina di Tarquinia). Aim of this thesis is to study how different institutional stakeholders react to the proposal of new planning and management objectives of this coastal protected area, by using the choice modelling approach. This research is not focused mainly on resolving or analysing market and institutional externalities, but especially in building up a core of certainties which may be helpful to derive new future decisions about the management of the area. Moreover the welfare analysis, throughout the study of the consumer surplus, has been implemented by valuing the preference of people and their willingness to pay to access the protected area. Results support the idea of amending the actual legislative and management framework, and promoting a new governance aimed at removing disputes and taking into account the preferences of a vast number of people (relevant stakeholders and potential users of the area).

Europe 2020 is the European Union's growth strategy for the coming decade. In a changing world, policy makers want the EU to become a smart, sustainable and inclusive economy. These three mutually reinforcing priorities should help the European Union and the Member States deliver high levels of employment, productivity and social cohesion. The main aim of this paper is to analyze whether those partially new guidelines in regional policies may be beneficial to reduce the Mezzogiorno socio-economic differentials. This question is important for Southern regions after a partial failure highlighted in the new regional policy (NRP) applied in Italy since the 1990s. Procedural utility is introduced in the paper. According to Frey procedural utility means that people not value actual outcomes, i.e. the what but also the conditions and processes that leads to these outcomes. Procedural utility means that people may have preferences about how instrumental outcomes are generated. Procedures require good institutions and their lack in the Italian Southern regions may annul any planned growth strategy giving us insights on some potential drawbacks of these new European regional policies.

Different authors have argued the importance of central banker's secrecy over alternative targets of monetary policy. One of the argument is based on the welfare results in a well known signalling game of monetary policy by Vickers (1986). This work aims to show how this argument crucially depends on the cost of separation and the specification of the prior beliefs held by private agents about the preferences of central banker. This is performed by solving a model similar to that solved by Vickers (1986) under a different assumption (a continuum of types) about the support of the distribution of prior beliefs. Welfare analysis shows that the result underlying the argument by Persson and Tabellini (1990) about the convenience of Central Banker's secrecy is upturned when the priors are skewed towards high inflation and alternative devices like credible pegging of a nominal variable, delegation and (negotiated) wage controls may be welfare enhancing. Furthermore, we show that if an appointed central banker has to incurr signalling costs a Rogoff (1985) type result can not be obtained and secrecy may be a bad substitute for commitment.

Different authors have argued the importance of central banker's secrecy over alternative targets of monetary policy. One of the argument is based on the welfare results in a well known signalling game of monetary policy by Vickers (1986). This work aims to show how this argument crucially depends on the cost of separation and the specification of the prior beliefs held by private agents about the preferences of central banker. This is performed by solving a model similar to that solved by Vickers (1986) under a different assumption (a continuum of types) about the support of the distribution of prior beliefs. Welfare analysis shows that the result underlying the argument by Persson and Tabellini (1990) about the convenience of Central Banker's secrecy is upturned when the priors are skewed towards high inflation and alternative devices like credible pegging of a nominal variable, delegation and (negotiated) wage controls may be welfare enhancing. Furthermore, we show that if an appointed central banker has to incurr signalling costs a Rogoff (1985) type result can not be obtained and secrecy may be a bad substitute for commitment.

The study focuses on the personalization strategies of political leaders on Twitter, in order to verify how the dimensions of personalization of politics typical of television setting are adapted in the new digital habitat. Following the selection of specific indicators the research analyses the tweets produced by the main Italian leaders over a year and a half. The multiple correspondence analysis (MCA) has identified three specific self-personalization strategies: (i) Professional Leader, (ii) Intimate Persona, (iii) Intimate Leader, which have been related with the average of the likes received. The results confirmed that the adoption of personalized strategies is now part of the leaders' communicative preferences particu-larly through messages aimed at presenting their most intimate and personal side. At the same time, the research showed the users' preferen-ces for these strategies aimed at strengthening the sense (or illusion) of greater intimacy with the politician. From this perspective the study also allows to understand the meaning that arenas like Twitter offer to the process of "shortening the distances" between citizens and political representatives. In this regard, we point out that the transition from TV to social media further accentuates personalization, giving politicians entire control over their self-disclosure activities.