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Brexit is one of the most important events that dominated the media discourse in 2017. The decision of the residents of the United Kingdom to leave the EU structures will certainly have not only serious economic consequences, but also political, social and cultural ones, both for the United Kingdom itself and for residents of countries that will stay in the European Union. While analysing the results of the referendum, which took place on 23rd June 2016, it can be seen that the majority of voters in England and Wales voted in favour of leaving the European Union, while those in Scotland and Northern Ireland supported the United Kingdom remaining in the EU structures. The aim of the article is to explain why the majority of voters in Wales were in favour of the United Kingdom exit from the European Union and to indicate potential benefits or losses resulting from the decision taken.

Celem serii czterech badań eksploracyjnych i konfirmacyjnych przeprowadzonych w latach 2009, 2011, 2015 i 2017 była identyfikacja struktury postrzegania elektoratów partii politycznych i opracowanie narzędzia do pomiaru tej struktury. Ustalono, że elektoraty partii politycznych są postrzegane przez pryzmat trzech wymiarów osobowości (Uczciwość, Konfliktowość i Podatność na manipulację), światopoglądu i ideologii (Konserwatyzm, Lewicowość vs. Prawicowość) oraz wymiaru oceniającego (Zacofanie vs. Nowoczesność). W badaniach potwierdzono równoważność konfiguracyjną i metryczną struktury postrzegania elektoratów różnych partii oraz ich wartość w wyjaśnianiu preferencji wyborczych. Opracowany model strukturalny oraz walory psychometryczne kwestionariusza otwierają nowe możliwości systematycznych badań empirycznych uwarunkowań zachowań wyborczych. ; The aim of the paper is to establish the structure of the voter's perception of the electorates of various political parties. We conducted an exploratory and confirmatory study using the data collected from voters in 2009, 2011, 2015 and 2017. The structure involved aspects related to human personality traits (Honesty, Disagreeableness, and Susceptibility to Manipulation), worldview and ideology (Conservatism, Left Wing vs. Right Wing), and evaluation (Backwardness vs. Modernity). The study revealed the configural and metric invariance of the structure of the voter's perception of political party electorates. These aspects explain political preferences at an individual level. This is a contribution to current literature that links the voter's perception of electorates to political preferences by presenting a six-factor model established on a valid and reliable psychometric inventory. The model opens up new opportunities for systematic empirical research that will advance our knowledge of the voter's behavior.

The aim of the paper is to establish the structure of the voter's perception of the electorates of various political parties. We conducted an exploratory and confirmatory study using the data collected from voters in 2009, 2011, 2015 and 2017. The structure involved aspects related to human personality traits (Honesty, Disagreeableness, and Susceptibility to Manipulation), worldview and ideology (Conservatism, Left Wing vs. Right Wing), and evaluation (Backwardness vs. Modernity). The study revealed the configural and metric invariance of the structure of the voter's perception of political party electorates. These aspects explain political preferences at an individual level. This is a contribution to current literature that links the voter's perception of electorates to political preferences by presenting a six-factor model established on a valid and reliable psychometric inventory. The model opens up new opportunities for systematic empirical research that will advance our knowledge of the voter's behavior. ; Celem serii czterech badań eksploracyjnych i konfirmacyjnych przeprowadzonych w latach 2009, 2011, 2015 i 2017 była identyfikacja struktury postrzegania elektoratów partii politycznych i opracowanie narzędzia do pomiaru tej struktury. Ustalono, że elektoraty partii politycznych są postrzegane przez pryzmat trzech wymiarów osobowości (Uczciwość, Konfliktowość i Podatność na manipulację), światopoglądu i ideologii (Konserwatyzm, Lewicowość vs. Prawicowość) oraz wymiaru oceniającego (Zacofanie vs. Nowoczesność). W badaniach potwierdzono równoważność konfiguracyjną i metryczną struktury postrzegania elektoratów różnych partii oraz ich wartość w wyjaśnianiu preferencji wyborczych. Opracowany model strukturalny oraz walory psychometryczne kwestionariusza otwierają nowe możliwości systematycznych badań empirycznych uwarunkowań zachowań wyborczych.

The paper looks at the issue of the psychological conditioning of the preferences concerning the shape of governance system and the system of political parties in Poland in the light of empirical research (N=1086), carried out in 2009. The analysis takes into account the variables of self-assessment, dispositional optimism, self-efficacy and dispositional fear. These variables, accounting for the cognitive functioning of individuals, the level of their involvement and motivation, have turned out to be significant when differentiating individuals' preferences concerning political systems. ; The paper looks at the issue of the psychological conditioning of the preferences concerning the shape of governance system and the system of political parties in Poland in the light of empirical research (N=1086), carried out in 2009. The analysis takes into account the variables of self-assessment, dispositional optimism, self-efficacy and dispositional fear. These variables, accounting for the cognitive functioning of individuals, the level of their involvement and motivation, have turned out to be significant when differentiating individuals' preferences concerning political systems.

Personality traits and the preference for metal music – preliminary meta-analysis of previous researches

The article presents the relations between personality traits and preference for metal music in view of previous psychological research. First reports concerning the influence of personality traits on music preferences appeared in the middle of the 20th century (Cattel & Anderson 1953). Social stereotypes relating to heavy metal fans have had an impact on formulation of research hypotheses according to which this group is characterised by antisocial behaviour, suicidal tendencies, depressive moods, substance and alcohol abuse, school problems and dysfunctional families. However, past researches have demonstrated a predictive value of different traits, such as openness to experience, risk-taking, extraversion and sensation seeking.

The current left-right dichotomy permanently organizes the perception of politics by the Polish society. This thesis is confirmed both in academic discourse as well as in the results of public opinion polls. In that context, it becomes extremely important to determine the understanding of the left and the right in relation to the electoral preferences of the Poles. The thesis and the hypotheses were verified in a process of analyzing the variables obtained in the present study, carried out in 2008–2015 on a representative sample of the adults. The results partially confirm the thesis. Compatibility between the understanding the left-right dichotomy and the characteristics of the doctrines depends on the electoral preferences of the respondents, but not for followers of all analyzed batches. The most consistency and compatibility with the model of doctrinal understanding of these concepts can be found in the preferences of the Democratic Left Alliance electorate. In the Law and Justice electorate, the understanding of the analyzed concepts is incomplete and only partially consistent with the declared right wing preferences, whereas, the biggest ideological disorientation can be noted among supporters of the Civic Platform. Undoubtedly, the voters' perception of the political scene through the lens of the divisionbetween the left and the right is still effectiveand valid.

The current left-right dichotomy permanently organizes the perception of politics by the Polish society. This thesis is confirmed both in academic discourse as well as in the results of public opinion polls. In that context, it becomes extremely important to determine the understanding of the left and the right in relation to the electoral preferences of the Poles. The thesis and the hypotheses were verified in a process of analyzing the variables obtained in the present study, carried out in 2008–2015 on a representative sample of the adults. The results partially confirm the thesis. Compatibility between the understanding the left-right dichotomy and the characteristics of the doctrines depends on the electoral preferences of the respondents, but not for followers of all analyzed batches. The most consistency and compatibility with the model of doctrinal understanding of these concepts can be found in the preferences of the Democratic Left Alliance electorate. In the Law and Justice electorate, the understanding of the analyzed concepts is incomplete and only partially consistent with the declared right wing preferences, whereas, the biggest ideological disorientation can be noted among supporters of the Civic Platform. Undoubtedly, the voters' perception of the political scene through the lens of the divisionbetween the left and the right is still effectiveand valid.

The role of political parties on the political scene of the biggest Polish cities has been described. The discussion on the significance of political parties at the local level and changes, which are happening to them, including the decreasing membership, the increasing state of dependency and new preferences of voters has been described. On the basis of data, received from the research, that was conducted in 12 biggest cities in Poland — is shown, that the national parties are leading actors in cities' politics and their role — which is criticized by non-partisan politics and thrown into doubt on systemic level — only seems to be growing. ; The role of political parties on the political scene of the biggest Polish cities has been described. The discussion on the significance of political parties at the local level and changes, which are happening to them, including the decreasing membership, the increasing state of dependency and new preferences of voters has been described. On the basis of data, received from the research, that was conducted in 12 biggest cities in Poland — is shown, that the national parties are leading actors in cities' politics and their role — which is criticized by non-partisan politics and thrown into doubt on systemic level — only seems to be growing.

In the theory of political marketing the concept of the image appears crucial when explaining electoral preferences and behaviors. This paper presents a survey into the relations between image factors and liking for the main two candidates in the presidential elections in Poland in 2010. It is widely supposed that the assessment of a candidate's image should translate into a definite (positive or negative) emotion towards him or her. An empirical analysis of the influence of political images on political attitudes, however, leads to a slightly more modest conclusion regarding the power of such influence. Surveys do not unconditionally confirm the assumption that voter's emotions are unequivocally determined by a candidate's image, especially as the decisive factors in stimulating support for a given politician (or party) may be provided by negative emotions evoked by his or her rival. The results of the survey do confirm an observation that has already been noted in the literature, that cognitive judgments of a candidate's image have a considerably weaker influence on voter preferences than the emotions he evokes. ; In the theory of political marketing the concept of the image appears crucial when explaining electoral preferences and behaviors. This paper presents a survey into the relations between image factors and liking for the main two candidates in the presidential elections in Poland in 2010. It is widely supposed that the assessment of a candidate's image should translate into a definite (positive or negative) emotion towards him or her. An empirical analysis of the influence of political images on political attitudes, however, leads to a slightly more modest conclusion regarding the power of such influence. Surveys do not unconditionally confirm the assumption that voter's emotions are unequivocally determined by a candidate's image, especially as the decisive factors in stimulating support for a given politician (or party) may be provided by negative emotions evoked by his or her rival. The results of the survey do confirm an observation that has already been noted in the literature, that cognitive judgments of a candidate's image have a considerably weaker influence on voter preferences than the emotions he evokes.

Niniejsza praca jest efektem projektu badawczego, mającego na celu poznanie preferencji wyborczych sądeczan przed wyborami samorządowymi na prezydenta miasta Nowego Sącza w 2014 roku. Badanie zostało zrealizowane przy użyciu metody sondażu diagnostycznego na reprezentatywnej próbie dorosłych mieszkańców miasta, a tłem eksploracji empirycznej był okres przedwyborczej kampanii wyborczej prowadzonej przez kandydatów pretendujących do organu wykonawczego miasta. Cała praca składa się z trzech części. Pierwsza część – teoretyczna - naświetla problematykę pracy, ukazując ją w całokształcie wzajemnych związków i zależności przyczynowo – skutkowych (rozdział pierwszy i drugi). Druga cześć – badawczo – aplikacyjna przedstawia zakres działań projektowych oraz charakterystykę technologii i narzędzi stosowanych w prowadzonym sondażu, a także opis funkcjonalny i techniczny wykonanego projektu wzbogacony o elementy komparatystyki (rozdział trzeci, czwarty i piąty). Trzecia cześć ujmuje podejmowaną problematykę z perspektywy mediów lokalnych (rozdział szósty). W pracy podniesiono szereg ciekawych zagadnień na temat wyborczych preferencji sądeczan i ich uczestnictwa w lokalnych mechanizmach demokratycznych. Zebrane dane pozwoliły na zweryfikowanie postawionych hipotez badawczych, wyznaczenie drogi do określenia profilu wyborcy poszczególnych kandydatów, a także dały możliwość porównawczego ujęcia zbadanych preferencji z oficjalnymi wynikami wyborów. Przedstawione wyniki pokazały, że deklarowane preferencje znalazły, w granicach przyjętego błędu, odzwierciedlenie w oficjalnych wynikach wyborów. ; This paper is the result of a research project aimed at cognizing political preferences of the residents of Nowy Sącz, before the local elections to become the President of Nowy Sacz in 2014. The survey was conducted using the method of diagnostic survey on a representative sample of adult residents of the town, and the background of empirical exploration was the period of pre-election campaign run by the candidates aspiring for the executive body of the town The entire work consists of three parts. The first part - theoretical - highlights the issues of the paper, presenting it in the whole inter-relationships and cause and effect dependencies (Chapter One and Two). The second part - research - application shows the scope of project activities and the characteristics of the technology and tools used in the survey conducted as well as a functional and technical description of the project made enriched with elements of comparative literature (Chapter third, fourth and fifth). The third part takes on the issues from the perspective of local media (Chapter Six). The paper raised a number of interesting issues on the electoral preferences of the residents of Nowy Sącz and their participation in local democratic mechanisms. The data collected made it possible to verify the research hypotheses, the identification of the way to determine a voter profile of each candidate, and also provided an opportunity for a comparative approach of the examined preferences and the official election results. The presented results showed that the declared preferences were reflected, within the accepted error, in the official results of the election.

Elections are a tool for the competing entities to achieve political goals. Therefore, electoral procedures are a significant element affecting their political perspectives. A change in the electoral system depends on balance of power in the parliament. In practice, two models of electoral reforms are possible. In the first of them, political parties collaborate to reform the system. Thus, they protect the interests of as many parties as possible. In the second one, the majority can force others to accept the solutions that are beneficial for them. The majority promote the institutional patterns and procedures that give them a chance to consolidate or increase the relative power of influence of elections. The presented paper includes the analysis of social preferences concerning a reform of the electoral system in Poland. The study revealed the preference for the cooperative model of changing the electoral system. Only the respondents who identified themselves as having right-wing inclinations approved of the competitive model.

The main problem the author deals with at the very beginning of his article concerns the causes of failure of the tasks that were taken up to limit the number of directions with the aid of which a superior institution makes a subordinate institution act according to their own preference. The reason these problems were taken up for is the widely known lack of adaptation of some enterprises to the demand changes, as well as other deficiencies of a given enterprise activity. The author points out to some common features of all the situations in which the number of directions was limited. It is based on the existence of so called institutional verification. We can speak about the institutional verification only when the definitial decisive criterion to give an entreprise a money reward is a superior institution. The aim of this article is to show that there exists a permanent tendency of a superior institution to multiply the number of directions. The origin of this tendency is the impossibility to form such a system of directions which would make the industrial enterprise act according to the preferences of a suprior institution. Any limitation of the number of directions enlarges the divergence between the activity of an enterprise and the direction that a superior institution would desire. The effect of this divergence is the return to the initial situation. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

The article is the key to understanding the political attitudes and n of young Poles in the year in of elections to the European Parliament, as well as to the Polish Parliament took place. The goal defined in such a way determined the choice of research method and technique in the spirit of the neopositivist paradigm, i.e. quantitative research. A nationwide survey conducted on September 5–23, 2019 allowed to determine socio-political preferences and attitudes of young Poles in 2019. The results showed a picture of a passive social group with unspecified views, having a negative opinion on political life and not interested in political life

The main goal of the article is to present to Polish readers the most important information about one of the newer theories of the public policy process - Narrative Policy Framework (NPF). The NPF assumes that public policy narratives play a fundamental role in the public policy process. These are strategically constructed stories about the causes and solutions to public policy problems. Actors use narratives to achieve their goals, for example, implementing policies closest to their preferences. On the example of the government's "Good start" ("Dobry start" in Polish) program, the article presents practical applications of the NPF at the micro, meso, and macro levels.