Este artigo apresenta um perfil do Webjornalismo Esportivo no Brasil, por meio de uma pesquisa realizada entre profissionais, pesquisadores, estudantes e interessados por jornalismo e esportes nas cidades de São Paulo (SP) e Palmas (TO). A principal preocupação foi a de observar se ainda predominam o interesse pelas principais modalidades esportivas, sobretudo o futebol, e também sites e portais gerenciados por tradicionais Grupos de Comunicação, como Globo, Folha de S. Paulo e ESPN. Foi possível analisar o perfil da audiência desses espaços, em termos de conteúdo e acesso, e perceber que existe o interesse por esportes ainda pouco explorados no Brasil - como o futebol americano -, além do crescimento de veículos como Lancenet! e Trivela.
Analyzing the "left" and "right" political positions of individuals is challenging because personal attributes may influence political decisions without directly causing them. This issue may be even more pronounced in Latin America, where young democracies encounter the challenge of stabilizing political choices over time. This study contributes to the literature by analyzing the influence of personal attributes on political choices, focusing on the early 2000s, when the "left" turn occurred. The present study relies on the World Values Survey's fifth wave (2005-2008) to fulfil this objective. This dataset is composed of data that have been collected globally, and the questions are related to diverse subjects associated with the quality of life of individuals. From the available sample, we included all of the Latin American countries that participated in this wave: Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Mexico, Peru, and Uruguay. In this study, the aim is to directly understand the impact of these individuals own attributes on their declared self-positioning about the political leaning. To this aim, an ordered logit model was used to analyse how each variable exerts influence on the political leaning of the respondents. Our results found that political cleavages depend on demographic factors, economic factors, and individual opinions in agreement with previous studies. Increased age, religious service attendance, and satisfaction with one's financial life increase the tendency of individuals for self-positioning to the right of the political spectrum. The possession of a university degree and residence in a large city increases the likelihood of individuals of self-identifying with a leftist political position. This study contributes to the literature by analysing the influence of personal attributes on political choices. Although this research represents an important step toward understanding political leanings in Latin American countries, a significant amount of future research remains. The definitions of "left" and "right" continue to be unclear as they relate to dimensions that include democracy, autocracy, and political reform. Understanding the ways individuals set up their choices would increase the responsibility of political parties and authorities for the hidden claim the population has about their deliverables. At the same time, studies like ours may enhance the awareness of the general impression over political party choices of candidates. Finally, even with so many confounding aspects in this antagonist position, the left and the right continue to be a simple way to characterize veiled assumptions. Therefore, it may be an ambiguous form of defining choices, but this seemingly binary choice is still very significant for voters in Latin America.
Herein, the influence of institutions and of social and political preferences upon the design and the implementation of the Brazilian non contributive income cash transfer to the elderly and disabled poor - Benefício de Prestação Continuada (BPC) - is analyzed. The main argument is that forward and backward movements throughout the policy process were related to the degree of convergence of the social and political stakeholder's preferences as well as to the institutional environment where they interacted. Two stages are distinguished by particular events during the design period, the end of the first being the appearance of BPC as a Constitutional right, in 1988, and the end of the second marked by its final regulation in the Brazilian Social Assistance Law - Lei Orgânica de Assistência Social (Loas), 1993. Such stages are distinct in regard to the influence of the institutional openness to social preferences about the BPC design. Along the implementation period, changes in key political stakeholder's preferences were related to variations in the degree of political responsiveness and bureaucratic insulation, leading to restrictions and improvement in BPC. This period can also be divided in two stages, from Loas, 1993, to the Elder Person Protection Act (Estatuto do Idoso) in 2003, and then on.
The aim of this study is to analyse the perceptions of internal users regarding the usefulness of financial reporting in the context of decision-making of Portuguese Local Administration. To do this, a survey questionnaire to all municipalities' decision-makers (both technical and political) was carried out. The main findings suggest that usefulness of municipalities' financial reporting, in its current form and content, is high. Nevertheless, this usefulness would increase with the introduction of other information apart from the one that is currently required to disclose. In general, the two different groups of decision-makers – technical and political – have a slightly different behaviour with respect to the usefulness attributed to municipalities' financial reporting, within the context of internal decision-making. The technical decision-makers assign more usefulness than politicians. Additionally, there is a preference, albeit slight, by all users for cash-based budgetary information, although accrual-based information (patrimonial and cost accounting) also reveals a high ...
In 2020, a right coalitional government leaded by the National Party started in Uruguay, after 15 years of left governments. There are signs that show the beginning of a eorientation of foreign policy towards greater trade openness and attracting investment. As a counterpart, there seems to be a loss of the relative importance of the region in Uruguayan foreign policy, which includes demands for the opening up and flexibilitation of the Mercosur and a repositioning against regionalism. This change promoted by the new government may be counterintuitive in relation to the regional vocation traditionally attributed by literature to the National Party. However, through the analysis of a census and interviews with legislators, the article shows that in the last decade party preferences have already outlined this relegation of the region. In this way, we argue that a pragmatic, realistic and deeply liberal "neoherrerismo" is emerging in the National Party, as a predominant tendency in the international vision of the government
In this work, we will analyze the routines and protocols, as well as the agents and the organizations, that are decisive in the agenda-setting and in the formulation of government policies at the Executive Branch. The analysis is based on two cases: the Ministry of National Integration (MI) and the Ministry of Social Development (MDS). We use documents and data collected in 28 semi-directive interviews with members of top-level positions in each Ministry and in the Presidency of the Republic. We argue that the agenda-setting is divided into two parts: the President's priority agenda and ministers' agenda. However, the policy formulation - including the priority - almost always takes place at the ministerial level. The bureaucracy of experts is indispensable to formulate any policy but acts through political delegation, not by their own. Ministers play a pivotal role in setting the agenda, but the ideological intra-coalition conflict - manifested by parties with heterogeneous preferences - is no obstacle to the President, who can push ahead with the agenda of his interest.
The aim of this study is to analyse the perceptions of internal users regarding the usefulness of financial reporting in the context of decision-making of Portuguese Local Administration. To do this, a survey questionnaire to all municipalities' decision-makers (both technical and political) was carried out. The main findings suggest that usefulness of municipalities' financial reporting, in its current form and content, is high. Nevertheless, this usefulness would increase with the introduction of other information apart from the one that is currently required to disclose. In general, the two different groups of decision-makers – technical and political – have a slightly different behaviour with respect to the usefulness attributed to municipalities' financial reporting, within the context of internal decision-making. The technical decision-makers assign more usefulness than politicians. Additionally, there is a preference, albeit slight, by all users for cash-based budgetary information, although accrual-based information (patrimonial and cost accounting) also reveals a high usefulness.
This article analyzes the Brazilian case of federal centralization of oil revenues, to show how jurisdictions' preferences may direct federal dynamics through central federative mechanisms. The study uses historical and institutional approaches that explain continuity and change in territorial regimes. Specifically, we analyse the loss of discretionary power in the use of oil resources through the understanding whether and how these changes affected the approval of National Law 12858 in 2013, which determined that federal government, states, and municipalities should spend their share of oil revenues on education and health. We show the way subnational preferences affect federal policies, highlighting the importance of causality and context, both politically and institutionally, and indicating a return to a governability pattern that seemed to be buried with the economic stabilization plan of 1994. ; Este artículo analiza el caso brasileño de centralización federal de los ingresos petroleros, para mostrar cómo las preferencias de las jurisdicciones pueden dirigir la dinámica federal a través de mecanismos federativos del centro. El estudio trabaja enfoques históricos e institucionales que explican la continuidad y el cambio en los regímenes territoriales. Específicamente, analizamos la pérdida de poder discrecional en el uso de los recursos petroleros evaluando si estos cambios afectaron a la aprobación de la Ley Nacional 12.858 en 2013, que determinó que el gobierno federal, los estados y los municipios deberían gastar su parte de los ingresos petroleros en educación y salud. Mostramos cómo las preferencias subnacionales afectan a las políticas federales, destacando la importancia de la causalidad y del contexto, institucional y político, indicando un regreso a un patrón de gobernabilidad que parecía estar enterrado con el plan de estabilización económica en 1994. ; Este artigo analisa o caso brasileiro de centralização federal das receitas do petróleo, para mostrar como as preferências das jurisdições podem direcionar a dinâmica federal por meio de mecanismos federativos do centro. O estudo trabalha abordagens históricas e institucionais que explicam continuidade e mudança nos regimes territoriais. Especificamente, analisamos a perda de poder discricionário no uso de recursos petrolíferos por meio da avaliação de se e como essas mudanças afetaram a aprovação da Lei Nacional 12.858 em 2013, que determinou que o governo federal, estados e municípios devem gastar sua parcela das receitas do petróleo em educação e saúde. Mostramos a forma como as preferências subnacionais afetam as políticas federais, destacando a importância da causalidade e do contexto, institucional e político, indicando um retorno a um padrão de governabilidade que parecia estar enterrado com o plano de estabilização econômica em 1994.
This article analyzes the Brazilian case of federal centralization of oil revenues, to show how jurisdictions' preferences may direct federal dynamics through central federative mechanisms. The study uses historical and institutional approaches that explain continuity and change in territorial regimes. Specifically, we analyse the loss of discretionary power in the use of oil resources through the understanding whether and how these changes affected the approval of National Law 12858 in 2013, which determined that federal government, states, and municipalities should spend their share of oil revenues on education and health. We show the way subnational preferences affect federal policies, highlighting the importance of causality and context, both politically and institutionally, and indicating a return to a governability pattern that seemed to be buried with the economic stabilization plan of 1994. ; Este artículo analiza el caso brasileño de centralización federal de los ingresos petroleros, para mostrar cómo las preferencias de las jurisdicciones pueden dirigir la dinámica federal a través de mecanismos federativos del centro. El estudio trabaja enfoques históricos e institucionales que explican la continuidad y el cambio en los regímenes territoriales. Específicamente, analizamos la pérdida de poder discrecional en el uso de los recursos petroleros evaluando si estos cambios afectaron a la aprobación de la Ley Nacional 12.858 en 2013, que determinó que el gobierno federal, los estados y los municipios deberían gastar su parte de los ingresos petroleros en educación y salud. Mostramos cómo las preferencias subnacionales afectan a las políticas federales, destacando la importancia de la causalidad y del contexto, institucional y político, indicando un regreso a un patrón de gobernabilidad que parecía estar enterrado con el plan de estabilización económica en 1994. ; Este artigo analisa o caso brasileiro de centralização federal das receitas do petróleo, para mostrar como as preferências das jurisdições podem direcionar a dinâmica federal por meio de mecanismos federativos do centro. O estudo trabalha abordagens históricas e institucionais que explicam continuidade e mudança nos regimes territoriais. Especificamente, analisamos a perda de poder discricionário no uso de recursos petrolíferos por meio da avaliação de se e como essas mudanças afetaram a aprovação da Lei Nacional 12.858 em 2013, que determinou que o governo federal, estados e municípios devem gastar sua parcela das receitas do petróleo em educação e saúde. Mostramos a forma como as preferências subnacionais afetam as políticas federais, destacando a importância da causalidade e do contexto, institucional e político, indicando um retorno a um padrão de governabilidade que parecia estar enterrado com o plano de estabilização econômica em 1994.
Metametaphysics is the study regarding the foundations and the methodology of Metaphysics. We'll analyze in this paper three methodologies that established the origins of Metametaphysics in the Analytic Tradition: that of Alexius Meinong, Rudolf Carnap and Willard van Orman Quine. According to Meinong, there is a distinction between 'to exist' and 'there is' and, in order to preserve the intuition that every intentional act is directed towards an object, there are things that do not exist. According to Carnap, the questions in Metaphysics can be easily answered by empirical or inferential means once we adopt a linguistic framework and answer these questions internally to this framework. Quine argued that to take an entity as existing is to take it as the value of a bound variable. Metametaphysics is relevant because it disambiguates our vocabulary and makes the philosophers avoid verbal disputes. Our objective in this paper was not to show our preferences to one of these methodologies but to provide a starting point for those who are not familiar with these matters - just so other researchers may engage with the issues that belong to Metametaphysics.
Iniciativas de democracia digital são produto da interação entre expectativas da sociedade, prioridades dos governos, vontade dos atores envolvidos, obrigação legal e viabilidade tecnológica. Este artigo apresenta os resultados de prospecção das iniciativas de democracia digital mantidas pelo governo federal em 2017, que identificou 119 delas em funcionamento. Desse total, 47,1% tinham como principal objetivo a promoção da transparência pública, 23,5% contavam com a participação de atores da sociedade em decisões, 23,5% procuravam fornecer informações e oportunidades para a educação das pessoas para a cidadania, e 5,9% proviam informações e meios para que cidadãos tivessem acesso à justiça. Não houve iniciativas para a promoção da deliberação pública. ; Digital democracy initiatives are the product of interaction between society's expectations, governmental priorities, governors' preferences, legal obligation and technological viability. This research evaluated how digital democracy initiatives held by federal government took place in 2017. We identified 119 working initiatives. Considering this total, 47.1% had as its main goal the promotion of public transparency, 23.5% tried to offer information and opportunities for people education for citizenship and 5.9% provided information and means for access to justice system. There were no initiatives to promote public deliberation.
This article analyzes paths and patterns of partisan appointments among sector-categories in the executive branch of Brazil from 1986 to 2016. The analysis sought to understand nuances of partisan appointments for ministries in different periods taking into consideration different presidential styles and government coalitions. We applied both qualitative and quantitative research methods and used techniques of document analysis and database construction. The methods also included a complementary discussion from recent researches on partisan ministry preferences. By analyzing partisan appointments among sector-categories, we observed two different patterns. Marked by the existence of smaller coalitions, the partisan appointments in the first period were sparse, except for the Sarney administration. The coalitions were broader in the second period, especially during the Lula and Dilma administrations, when we also observed the appearance of a structural expansion strategy. Bearing in mind the number of ministries headed by the Worker's Party (PT), we claim this strategy allowed the political party of the president to dominate both the social and government sectors. In the party-by-party analysis, Brazilian Democratic Movement Party (PMDB) stands out for its inclusion in all the administrations but it is still more concentrated in infrastructure ministries.
Serious games have been studied with the objective to provide ways of combining learning/knowledge with entertainment. In Brazil it is known that a small proportion of older people have access to computers, and that a larger part already has access to cell phones. Therefore, we performed a literature review to identify items that mobile serious games should have to captivate the public's interest and motivation of seniors in playing them. We studied the needs, preferences and interests of the elderly in relation to digital games on smart phones and motivational factors that influence the use of serious games on smart phones. After the study, it was concluded that usability is a key factor for the elderly using digital games and that due to age restrictions it should be considered during the development of software. However, considering only aspects of usability is not sufficient to ensure the use of games by the elderly. It is necessary to awaken the motivation of the user, or in other words the user must be able to realize the benefits that the game will provide him/her. From this literature review, it will be possible to develop mobile serious games more suitable for the elderly population.
