Preferencje polityczne: postawy, identyfikacje, zachowania = Political preferences : attitude, identification, behavior
ISSN: 2449-9064
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ISSN: 2449-9064
In: Moscow University Economics Bulletin, Band 2020, Heft 6, S. 124-146
The article describes the methodological approach to the development of strategies of socio-economic development created by the authors on the basis of the analysis of the best practices of sustainable development strategies in the world. The methodology involves the use of ecological and economic (the solid core of the ecological economics, projects with integrated efficiency) and humanistic (indicators of "true well-being", human experience at the center of change) principles, as well as the use of direct democracy tools (residents are co-authors of strategies, in-depth interviews, online polls with alternative scenarios). The use of this methodology while producing strategies for socio-economic development, including conducting surveys of the population in Kerch, Simferopol and Tolyatti, showed that residents choose the solutions that are laid down in the sustainable development strategies of the leading cities of the world. Surveys regarding the image of the desired future, sustainable city, sustainable mobility and sustainable urban environment showed that residents respond not only progressively and professionally, but also in a consolidated manner choosing the sustainable development path as the only desired vector for long-term development. The main party uninterested in the implementation of the sustainability agenda is a conservative bureaucracy focused on familiar and simple measures and decisions.
The article considers the dependencies of interval variables–assessments (respondents' attitude to political parties, political leaders, satisfaction with the work of state bodies, attitude to the results of voting) from the nominal parameter "Political activity". To analyze the dependencies of both quantitative and nominal variables a new version of the author's method is applied. It became possible to talk about the dependence of a quantitative parameter on a multi-valued nominal variable and select strong dependencies for further description.
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In: Političeskie issledovanija: Polis ; naučnyj i kul'turno-prosvetitel'skij žurnal = Political studies, Heft 1, S. 120-133
ISSN: 1684-0070
This study explores the political aspect of closed cities, which is understudied compared to their managerial and economic aspects. The author examines the association between the status of a closed city and political preferences in 1990s. The study suggests that closed cities were strongholds of both liberal and anti-communist voting. It also hypothesizes that the differences in political preferences between closed cities and the rest of Russia diminish over time. The author collects electoral data from 1995 to 2003 and employs regression analysis, finding support for these hypotheses. However, the effect of voting for the "party in power" varies depending on the specific party project. This research contributes to understanding the political uniqueness of closed cities, considering their regional characteristics and social capital.
Статья посвящена исследованию типовой политической листовки с точки зрения преференций и антипреференций потенциального адресата текста.
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The article is devoted to the study of factors influencing the preferences of youngpeople in choosing a future profession, identifying the reasons for the professional choice of highschool students. Research methods — a sociological survey, analysis of sources. In February 2019,a sociological survey was conducted. The survey involved 94 respondents. 44 students of 11 classesof 102 schools of Barnaul aged 17–18 years were interviewed. For comparison, 1st year students ofthe Altai State University of the Faculty of Humanities (public relations, regional studies) and thenatural science faculty (chemists) were interviewed. The sample of students was 50 people aged 17–18, of which 46 % were male and 54 % female. The choice depends on many factors, young people'sawareness of their future profession is weak, influenced by external agents based on the results ofresearch on the Internet, social networks, media, advertising, to a lesser extent — by parents andteachers. The majority of respondents trust the Internet, about 60 % of schoolchildren and students,a fifth of the respondents trust the media and television. About 14–18 % of pupils and students trustparents and relatives, respectively. Pupils and students indicated other sources: themselves (3 %),books (1 %), I prefer to compile information from different sources. The most significant factors ofsocial choice include the influence of family, peers, and school. In the ranking of the most preferredprofessions for their children in the first place is the profession of a doctor. The second place isoccupied by the profession of a scientist. The third line in the ranking belongs to businessmen —30 % of our fellow citizens would very much like to see their child as an entrepreneur. Following areemployees of state bodies. Top 5 closes the military. ; Статья посвящена изучению факторов, влияющих напредпочтения моло-дежи ввыборе будущей профессии, выявлению причин профессионального выбора стар-шеклассников. Методы исследования— социологический опрос, анализ источников. Вфев-рале 2019года был проведен социологический опрос. Вопросе участвовало 94 респондента. Опрошены 44 школьника 11 классов 102 школы г. Барнаула ввозрасте 17–18лет. Длясравне-ния были опрошены студенты 1 курса Алтайского государственного университета гумани-тарного факультета (связи собщественностью, регионоведение) иестественно-научный фа-культет (химики). Выборка студентов составила 50 человек ввозрасте 17–18лет, изних 46 % респондентов мужского пола, 54 %— женского. Выбор зависит отмножества факторов, осо-знание молодежью своей будущей профессии слабое, поддается влиянию внешних агентов воздействия исходя изрезультатов исследования Интернет, социальные сети, СМИ, реклама, вменьшей степени— родителями иучителями. Интернету доверяет большая часть респон-дентов, около 60 % школьников истудентов, пятая часть респондентов доверяет СМИ, телеви-дению. Родителям, родственникам доверяют около 14–18 % соответственно школьники истуденты. Школьниками истудентами были указаны другие источники: себе (3 %), книги (1 %), предпочитаю составлять информацию сразных источников. Кнаиболее значимым факторам социального выбора следует отнести влияние семьи, сверстников ишколы. Врейтинге наи-более предпочтительных профессий длясвоих детей напервом месте находится профессия врача. Второе место занимает профессия ученого. Третья строчка врейтинге принадлежит бизнесменам— 30 % наших сограждан очень хотелибы видеть своего ребенка предпринима-телем. Следом идут работники государственных органов. Топ-5 замыкают военнослужащие.
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In: Moscow University Economics Bulletin, Heft 5, S. 155-182
The article examines the interests and concerns of various groups of stakeholders in the urban planning design market influencing the choice of a contractor. The selected market is characterized by a significant decision magnitude, usually involves many groups of stakeholders, and often determines the long-term development of cities. The aim of the article is to identify the interests of key stakeholders in urban planning design market, factors that are significant for the selected groups of stakeholders when choosing a contractor, and to provide recommendations for promotional strategy for the considered groups of customers. The theoretical review identifies more than 150 factors that influence the choice of a contractor on b2b market, they are further divided according to the underlying principles of choosing a partner from decision-maker's viewpoint. Based on the interviews conducted, we determine the main groups of stakeholders who influence or are influenced by the urban planning design decisions. The field study revealed significant differences in preferences among various groups of stakeholders of project organizations: developers, authorities, other project bureaus, real estate owners, management companies. The preferences also differ based on the size of the company. As a result, we have developed recommendations for dealing with different groups of stakeholders based on the identified preferences, decision-makers, as well as possible directions of a company's differentiation. The structure of the article consists of the theoretical overview of previously conducted research of factors influencing the contractor choice in the industrial markets and finding ways to harmonize the interests of different stakeholders, after that the field research has been done of experts and decision-makers of choosing a proper partner in the planning design market. Finally, the authors offer recommendations that can focus the marketing strategy of project design companies in the urban planning industry. The article would be of interest not only for companies in the urban planning design market but also for all companies in the industrial market that face the contradictory interests of various groups of stakeholders.
The joint results of seven public opinion surveys (N=7223) conducted during January-July 2018 are analysed in the paper. A big number (compared to usual public opinion polls) of respondents allows to increase a statistical reliability of the analysis of small demographic groups, in this case – groups of income per family member. The relationships between income and trust in institutions (Parliament, courts, mass media, etc.) are analysed in the paper. Due to a problem of comparability (the structure of political parties' system has changed in this period), the relationship between income and voting preferences is analysed on a smaller data file (N=4127, April-July 2018). Joint data files allowed to evaluate a relationship between income and other social demographic parameters, as well. For example, the data showed that income per family member is going down depending on age (exception is 50-59 year group when respondents are still working, but don't have under-age children anymore). Respondents having high education level have considerably higher income compared to other education groups. A differentiation of income depending on the place of residence is essential: income in Vilnius is considerably higher compared to other towns and regions. This factor has important influence on the voting preferences. Analysis of joint data files didn't show significant differences in trust in state institutions Parliament, Government, courts, police, military forces, President – depending on different income groups. Similar attitudes towards education and health care systems were fixed, as well. On the other hand, there are important differences between lower and higher income groups in the attitudes towards the mass media, banks and the Church. Higher income groups trust in the mass media and the Church less, but trust in the banks more. Popularity of the two biggest parties (according to 2018 polls) has a strong relationship with income per family member: it has a strong positive relationship with voting for Homeland Union (higher income – more voters) and a strong negative relationship with voting for Peasants and Green Union. The ratings of other parties do not have a significant relationship with income per family member, much lower compared to the results fixed in 2013.
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The joint results of seven public opinion surveys (N=7223) conducted during January-July 2018 are analysed in the paper. A big number (compared to usual public opinion polls) of respondents allows to increase a statistical reliability of the analysis of small demographic groups, in this case – groups of income per family member. The relationships between income and trust in institutions (Parliament, courts, mass media, etc.) are analysed in the paper. Due to a problem of comparability (the structure of political parties' system has changed in this period), the relationship between income and voting preferences is analysed on a smaller data file (N=4127, April-July 2018). Joint data files allowed to evaluate a relationship between income and other social demographic parameters, as well. For example, the data showed that income per family member is going down depending on age (exception is 50-59 year group when respondents are still working, but don't have under-age children anymore). Respondents having high education level have considerably higher income compared to other education groups. A differentiation of income depending on the place of residence is essential: income in Vilnius is considerably higher compared to other towns and regions. This factor has important influence on the voting preferences. Analysis of joint data files didn't show significant differences in trust in state institutions Parliament, Government, courts, police, military forces, President – depending on different income groups. Similar attitudes towards education and health care systems were fixed, as well. On the other hand, there are important differences between lower and higher income groups in the attitudes towards the mass media, banks and the Church. Higher income groups trust in the mass media and the Church less, but trust in the banks more. Popularity of the two biggest parties (according to 2018 polls) has a strong relationship with income per family member: it has a strong positive relationship with voting for Homeland Union (higher income – more voters) and a strong negative relationship with voting for Peasants and Green Union. The ratings of other parties do not have a significant relationship with income per family member, much lower compared to the results fixed in 2013.
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The joint results of seven public opinion surveys (N=7223) conducted during January-July 2018 are analysed in the paper. A big number (compared to usual public opinion polls) of respondents allows to increase a statistical reliability of the analysis of small demographic groups, in this case – groups of income per family member. The relationships between income and trust in institutions (Parliament, courts, mass media, etc.) are analysed in the paper. Due to a problem of comparability (the structure of political parties' system has changed in this period), the relationship between income and voting preferences is analysed on a smaller data file (N=4127, April-July 2018). Joint data files allowed to evaluate a relationship between income and other social demographic parameters, as well. For example, the data showed that income per family member is going down depending on age (exception is 50-59 year group when respondents are still working, but don't have under-age children anymore). Respondents having high education level have considerably higher income compared to other education groups. A differentiation of income depending on the place of residence is essential: income in Vilnius is considerably higher compared to other towns and regions. This factor has important influence on the voting preferences. Analysis of joint data files didn't show significant differences in trust in state institutions Parliament, Government, courts, police, military forces, President – depending on different income groups. Similar attitudes towards education and health care systems were fixed, as well. On the other hand, there are important differences between lower and higher income groups in the attitudes towards the mass media, banks and the Church. Higher income groups trust in the mass media and the Church less, but trust in the banks more. Popularity of the two biggest parties (according to 2018 polls) has a strong relationship with income per family member: it has a strong positive relationship with voting for Homeland Union (higher income – more voters) and a strong negative relationship with voting for Peasants and Green Union. The ratings of other parties do not have a significant relationship with income per family member, much lower compared to the results fixed in 2013.
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The joint results of seven public opinion surveys (N=7223) conducted during January-July 2018 are analysed in the paper. A big number (compared to usual public opinion polls) of respondents allows to increase a statistical reliability of the analysis of small demographic groups, in this case – groups of income per family member. The relationships between income and trust in institutions (Parliament, courts, mass media, etc.) are analysed in the paper. Due to a problem of comparability (the structure of political parties' system has changed in this period), the relationship between income and voting preferences is analysed on a smaller data file (N=4127, April-July 2018). Joint data files allowed to evaluate a relationship between income and other social demographic parameters, as well. For example, the data showed that income per family member is going down depending on age (exception is 50-59 year group when respondents are still working, but don't have under-age children anymore). Respondents having high education level have considerably higher income compared to other education groups. A differentiation of income depending on the place of residence is essential: income in Vilnius is considerably higher compared to other towns and regions. This factor has important influence on the voting preferences. Analysis of joint data files didn't show significant differences in trust in state institutions Parliament, Government, courts, police, military forces, President – depending on different income groups. Similar attitudes towards education and health care systems were fixed, as well. On the other hand, there are important differences between lower and higher income groups in the attitudes towards the mass media, banks and the Church. Higher income groups trust in the mass media and the Church less, but trust in the banks more. Popularity of the two biggest parties (according to 2018 polls) has a strong relationship with income per family member: it has a strong positive relationship with voting for Homeland Union (higher income – more voters) and a strong negative relationship with voting for Peasants and Green Union. The ratings of other parties do not have a significant relationship with income per family member, much lower compared to the results fixed in 2013.
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Раздел «Таможенные аспекты региональной интеграции» ; Cтатья посвящена анализу применения тарифных преференций в международной торговле, предоставляемых Европейским союзом (далее – ЕС) на основе двусторонних и многосторонних договоров, а также в рамках региональных экономических объединений. Проанализирована законодательная база предоставления тарифных преференций в Европейском союзе. Выделены актуальные проблемные аспекты функционирования системы тарифных преференций ЕС и определены возможные направления ее совершенствования. = The article is devoted to the analysis of the application of tariff preferences in international trade, provided by the European Union (hereinafter - EU) on the basis of bilateral and multilateral treaties, as well as within the regional economic communities. The legal framework of tariff preferences in the European Union was analysed. Actual problem aspects of the current system of tariff preferences the EU are highlighted and their possible solutions are described.
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In: Moscow University Bulletin. Series 12. Political Science, Heft 2023, №1, S. 50-65
Very approximate information is available about the electoral preferences of the residents of Donbass within the framework of the Russian political and legal field. The article considers the issue of establishing the exact results of the will of the voters of the L-DPR, who were citizens of the Russian Federation, in the elections to the State Duma in 2021. Conclusions about the electoral preferences of residents of the L-DPR are made on the basis of the difference in the results of voting on the proportional and majority components of the electoral system of the Russian Federation, within which residents of Donbass could not vote for majority candidates. The results of remote electronic voting (REV), "exit" voting at the polling stations of the Rostov region and post-election polling are analyzed.
It is established that at least 200 thousand L-DPR voters voted in these elections. The results of the REV and "exit" voting differed somewhat. The greatest support was enjoyed by: "United Russia" (the "exit" vote of the DPR — 81 %, the LPR — 83 %, the REV — 88 %) and the LDPR (up to 10 % on the "exit" vote). The electoral culture of Donbass had features of "periphery" in relation to the whole of the Russian Federation: many residents are poorly versed in the intricacies of Russian politics, vote for patriotic forces, identify support for the Russian Federation and its leadership.
According to the results of surveys, more than 60 % of residents of the L-DPR ethnically identify themselves as Russians. Depending on the wording of the questions, from 65 % to 80 % of respondents called joining the Russian Federation a priority vector of integration of the region. During the period of the existence of the L-DPR, the prevailing pro-Russian sentiments in this territory have only intensified.
In: Vestnik Volgogradskogo Gosudarstvennogo Universiteta: naučno-teoretičeskij žurnal = Science journal of Volgograd State University. Serija 4, Istorija, regionovedenie, meždunarodnye otnošenija = History. Area studies. International relations, Band 24, Heft 5, S. 172-192
ISSN: 2312-8704
Introduction. In modern Russian society, understanding of elections as an important component of the country's social and political life in the context of differences in political orientations of the population is increasingly affirmed. This statement makes it possible to consider the geography of elections both in individual regions and in the country as a whole, as well as to conduct a deep historical analysis to better understand the current political processes in the country.
Methods. It seems most important to consider this problem in the context of the federal elections for the post of President of the Russian Federation using the statistical method. The comparative and cartographic methods contribute to a better understanding of geographical features of political preferences of the electorate.
Analysis. The study shows that the development of any process, including political one, is seriously influenced by the regional specificity of the territory, affecting all of its spheres. In this regard, it is necessary to single out the reasons for the nature of changes in electoral preferences of voters in the territory under study.
Results. The authors trace the dynamics of the electoral activity of the population of the Lower Volga mesoregion in the presidential elections. The researchers reveal the change of electoral preferences of voters for the period under review. The paper presents the territorial analysis of the political preferences of the population identified in the process of federal elections; marks their multidirectional nature. The authors identify the main reasons for the changes in electoral preferences of voters in the Lower Volga mesoregion at the presidential elections.
This article analyzes the structural characteristics of the political behavior ofstudents in the municipal elections in Russia. As an empirical base of research useddata from a sociological survey of students in Chelyabinsk, devoted to the electionof the Head of the municipality. To study the sociological data, the authors usedthe methods of frequency analysis, as well as methods for calculating chi-squaredstatistic for testing the level of significance of differences between groups of voters.The study identified the following set of structural characteristics of the electoralbehavior of students at local elections. As a result, authors marked (1) electoralpassivity and (2) electoral conformism as the main structural features of the politicalbehavior of students in the municipal elections in modern Russia. ; Статья посвящена анализу структурных характеристик политическогоповедения студенческой молодежи на муниципальных выборах в России. Вкачестве эмпирической базы исследования использованы данные социоло-гического опроса студенческой молодежи города Челябинска, посвященноговыборам Главы муниципального образования. Для изучения социологиче-ских данных использованы методы частотного анализа, а также методы про-верки уровня значимости различий между группами избирателей с помощьюкритерия Хи-квадрат. В результате проведенного исследования выявленнабор структурных характеристик электорального поведения студенческоймолодежи на выборах органов местного самоуправления. В качестве основныхструктурных особенностей политического поведения студенческой молодежина муниципальных выборах в современной России авторами выделены (1)электоральная пассивность и (2) электоральный конформизм.
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