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Introduces two analyses of racism & antiracism in Brazil (see abstracts in IRPS No. 84) by arguing for a new visibility of racism. It is contended that white Brazilians as the discriminators of Afro-Brazilians should be the target to effect a change in culture & ideology. It is argued that the main problem facing the black movement is its inability to convince the black population that their unfavorable situation is due to racial discrimination, inequality, or prejudice. 1 Table, 3 References. M. Greenberg

Examines conceptual differences between racism & Islamophobia. The historical significance of Islamophobia is emphasized through Orientalist representations of Islam that racialize the category of Muslim, along with contemporary discourse in international politics based on fears of the Islamization of Europe. Possible comparisons between Islamophobia & anti-Semitism are suggested, noting that Islamophobia is articulated in religious terms, while anti-Semitism has evolved into prejudice against "a people." Characteristics of Islamophobia are described, & examples of Islamophobic discourse are analyzed to highlight the danger of conceptual inflation that goes beyond the racism paradigm, eg, conceptualizations of Bosnian Muslims that led to the demand for "ethnic cleansing." It is contended that Islamophobia is best viewed as a fear or hatred of Muslims, rather than an ideology, making it important to distinguish it from racism even though certain facets of their definitions & expressions coincide. A look at comparative research on Islamophobia & racism focuses on the varied contexts in which Islamophobia is expressed, as well the association between Islamophobia & the politics of integration or multiculturalism. 15 References. J. Lindroth

Bogardus' concept of social distance is used to examine the position of Russian minorities vis-a-vis the titular populations in the former Soviet republics of Belarus, Ukraine, Moldova, Georgia, & Kazakhstan. Maintaining social distance from outgroups is defined as aversive prejudice, ie, simply avoiding contact with outgroup members in the everyday life of workplaces, schools, neighborhoods, & social circles. Analysis of survey data (a total of 2,886 respondents) revealed significant variation among the five republics, with the greatest social distance exhibited in Moldova & the least in Georgia. Social & economic factors affecting the degree of social distance are delineated & the results tabulated. Generally speaking, greater ethnic competition was associated with higher levels of social distance. However, in Georgia, whose economic situation was the worst, there was greater social cohesion, rather than the aversive prejudice one might expect because of competition for scarce resources. Tables. J. Stanton

The theme of staying alive under any condition has been taken as the primary lesson of the Holocaust, relegating moral concerns to the background. This legacy is "sinister, pernicious, & morally destructive." It is accompanied by the phenomena of Jews living on the borrowed identity of their martyred ancestors & the tendency to divide the world into victims & victimizers. This leaves the way open for new persecutors to find willing victims, & for people to adopt a flawed persona without any other reason to feel martyred. They in fact feel comfortable in a world of Jew-haters & barricade themselves against change. Thus, the ghost of the Holocaust cannot easily be exorcised. It is important to remember that even though the Jews were chosen as victims in this instance, the Holocaust was more about prejudice than anti-Semitism, & the nature of the crime of prejudice & the potential threat of genocide that it carries need to be better understood. M. Pflum

Investigates discourse surrounding the Kurt Waldheim affair in Austria since its eruption in 1986 in terms of a we-Other discourse, drawing on an analysis of documents related to Waldheim's actions during WWII; research by historians on Waldheims's war role; newspaper reports, press releases, & documents of the World Jewish Congress; & statements of & interviews with politicians & citizens. It is found that anti-Semitic prejudice is a typical feature of this discourse. Several categories of prejudice are especially evident, eg, stereotypes of Jews as dishonest & tricky, an international Jewish conspiracy (das Ausland), & the notion that Jews are more privileged than other people. Further, texts have engaged in strategies of victim-victimizer role reversals, scapegoating, & distortion in discussions of Jews. These strategies & stereotypes are taken to compose a form of Christian anti-Semitism that has a long history in Austrian culture. More recent forms of discrimination against foreigners (eg, Turks) are shown to be modeled on classic anti-Semitism & augment, rather than replace, the continued Othering of the Jewish people. 28 References. D. M. Smith

An introductory chapter discusses the nature of comparative research on racism, noting that it includes systematic analyses of ethnic prejudice in crossnational settings; policy-oriented studies that map out institutional discrimination or evaluate antidiscrimination measures; & theoretical assessments of the portrayal/treatment of racial or ethnic outgroups in different societies. The aim of most of these studies is to identify & explain significant similarities or differences. Research focused on similarities employs strategies based on the underlying assumption of "brothers under the same skin," while work stressing differences is rooted in a "birds of a different feather" mindset. It is suggested that the different approaches are also associated with different disciplinary areas, ideological positions, & conceptualizations of racism. Other issues discussed include how to compare groups, cultures, or nations; the moral responsibility of researchers; relative costs/benefits of comparative research; effects of cultural bias in research; & links between academic research & policy making. The themes covered by the contributors are outlined, along with questions considered vital for conducting or assessing comparative research. 51 References. J. Lindroth

A comparative sociological study of the way minority Jews perceive themselves to be treated in Romania, the Netherlands, & Curacao tests the validity of R. M. Marrus & R. D. Paxton's (1981) "three concentric circles" theory of contemporary anti-Semitism, that was expanded by M. Wieviorka (1991) into three dimensions of racism: humiliating racism; racism expressed by differentiation; & institutionalized racism. The history of the formation of Jewish communities & current policies affecting them are examined for each country, drawing on data from personal interviews with 20 Jewish people, ages 18-35, in each country. The 170-item questionnaire focused on feelings about Jewish identity, anti-Semitism, relations with Israel, & Jewish/non-Jewish organizations. The results showed that ideas like Jewish identity are not stable concepts. Anti-Semitic attitudes & discrimination were evident in all three countries, & exhibited Wieviorka's first two dimenisions, but not institutionalized racism. Romania exhibited the highest levels of anti-Semitism & discrimination, & the Netherlands the lowest, while the socioeconomic status of Jews in Curacao had a great effect. 3 Tables, 26 References. J. Lindroth

Contends that the variation in ideology & types & degrees of prejudice, supremacy, & oppression are important distinctions to make when examining right-wing movements. Systems of race/gender/class oppression in the hard Right are explored in terms of a dynamic process comprising ideas, acts, & a hierarchical position of dominance that is structural. The Right is divided into the conservative, dissident, & extreme sectors, which all interact. After articulating their commonalities, differences are explored, focusing on the extreme Right, the patriot movement, & the Christian Right. It is concluded that understanding the political Right requires a more sophisticated level of analysis that identifies boundaries, categories, & terminology that delineate differences of degrees; further, systems of oppression based on gender, race, class, & more exist throughout society. 2 Figures. J. Zendejas

Contends that the variation in ideology & types & degrees of prejudice, supremacy, & oppression are important distinctions to make when examining right-wing movements. Systems of race/gender/class oppression in the hard Right are explored in terms of a dynamic process comprising ideas, acts, & a hierarchical position of dominance that is structural. The Right is divided into the conservative, dissident, & extreme sectors, which all interact. After articulating their commonalities, differences are explored, focusing on the extreme Right, the patriot movement, & the Christian Right. It is concluded that understanding the political Right requires a more sophisticated level of analysis that identifies boundaries, categories, & terminology that delineate differences of degrees; further, systems of oppression based on gender, race, class, & more exist throughout society. 2 Figures. J. Zendejas

Scottish devolution stands as an example for change within the UK constitution & its politics. As a model of democracy, the Scottish Parliament has committed itself to exploring new methods of consultation, participation, & consensus building; the idea of plural & multilayered democracy in Europe; & developing a stronger relationship between citizens & government. It is working to achieve gender balance in the Parliament, allowing petitions by individual citizens, & increasing communication & education through technology. Still, it is subject to the negative feelings left over from 20th-century prejudice against politicians & their activities & the influence of the media in the hands of owners & editors committed to neoliberal & economistic views. Scottish voters also express some disillusionment & disappointment, not as a lack of support for its existence, but in the desire for greater change. The devolution process must boldly reach its goals or face the discredit that most other elected governments in this post-political age have experienced. L. A. Hoffman

The establishment of ethnic networks by immigrant communities enhances immigrant workers' access to jobs in certain employment sectors, but this has the effect of excluding native-born ethnic minority groups, particularly African Americans. In-depth interviews with owners & managers (N = 230) of businesses in Los Angeles were conducted to determine the effects of ethnic networks on immigrants' & native-born ethnic minority workers' access to jobs. Findings demonstrate that ethnic networks, especially those created by the Mexican & Central American communities, significantly influenced hiring practices for entry-level positions, but not for skilled positions, for which more formal procedures (eg, interviews & tests) were used, thus decreasing the efficacy of ethnic networks. Even though African American workers are more inclined to seek government jobs due to formal hiring procedures, they are often excluded for other reasons, including prejudice. It is concluded that both ethnic networks & bureaucracy systematically exclude African Americans. 21 References. J. W. Parker

Reflects on the personal experience of growing up in the UK as a person of mixed parentage, & how this experience compared to that of a female cousin who immigrated from Guyana to the UK. Because the cousin was an immigrant, she suffered many abuses & prejudices. While the author steered clear of these abuses as a young person, she began to feel a sense of displacement as she became older. If the nation is expressed in a particular culture, then the status of a native-born immigrant is necessarily one of displacement & homelessness while not belonging to the colonial culture of her cousin, neither did she belongs to the nation of the UK. The answer to this quandary is not the desire for a national home, which is considered a masculinist move typical of the hegemonic ideology of nationalism. Rather, the answer is to become comfortable living in a space of contingency, a postmodern space in which one's marginality might be embraced. 26 References. D. Ryfe

Contends that John Stuart Mill's ideas on free speech -- centered on an "aesthetic of cultivated intelligence" that is itself based on the pursuit of "higher pleasures" -- are ambiguous, amounting to a defense of a liberal bourgeois public sphere that, per the Bakhtin Circle's dialogic theory, actually restricts proletarian speech, implicitly based on the pursuit of some kind of uncultivated lower pleasures, & legitimates the liberal form of the capitalist state. The Bakhtin Circle's theory of dialogue is articulated in eight points to explain the concept of public dialogue before critiquing Mill's defense of the liberty of thought & discussion, seen here as a sign distinct from the sign of free speech. Focus is on Mill's four grounds through which such a liberty might thrive: (1) fallibility of opinions, (2) collision of opinions to establish truth, (3) elimination of prejudice, & (4) elimination of dogma. Taking the example of Chartism, how Mill's defense of the liberty of thought & discussion denies the multiaccentual nature of its own ideological form is demonstrated by revealing Mill's "proletarian heteroglossic utterances" that have him defending a style of regulating radical public spheres via monologic dialogue complicit with the liberal form of the capitalist state. 39 References. J. Zendejas

Contends that John Stuart Mill's ideas on free speech -- centered on an "aesthetic of cultivated intelligence" that is itself based on the pursuit of "higher pleasures" -- are ambiguous, amounting to a defense of a liberal bourgeois public sphere that, per the Bakhtin Circle's dialogic theory, actually restricts proletarian speech, implicitly based on the pursuit of some kind of uncultivated lower pleasures, & legitimates the liberal form of the capitalist state. The Bakhtin Circle's theory of dialogue is articulated in eight points to explain the concept of public dialogue before critiquing Mill's defense of the liberty of thought & discussion, seen here as a sign distinct from the sign of free speech. Focus is on Mill's four grounds through which such a liberty might thrive: (1) fallibility of opinions, (2) collision of opinions to establish truth, (3) elimination of prejudice, & (4) elimination of dogma. Taking the example of Chartism, how Mill's defense of the liberty of thought & discussion denies the multiaccentual nature of its own ideological form is demonstrated by revealing Mill's "proletarian heteroglossic utterances" that have him defending a style of regulating radical public spheres via monologic dialogue complicit with the liberal form of the capitalist state. 39 References. J. Zendejas