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Reluctance within the European Union to accept genetically modified crops may hinder the benefits of this technology reaching the developing world

Education is often found to be a strong determinant of ethnic prejudice. However, there is preliminary evidence that this educational effect varies across countries. Moreover, there are also theoretical arguments to expect cross-national variances in the educational effect on ethnic prejudice. From both a cultural and structural perspective, we set out to explain these cross-national variances in the educational effect. Results of multilevel analyses on data from 11 European countries show that the cultural perspective is more fruitful to explain cross-national variances in the strength of the educational effect on ethnic prejudice than the structural perspective: a country's democratic tradition and degree of religious heterogeneity are important for the strength of the educational effect on ethnic prejudice, whereas a country's ethnic composition and unemployment rate are less relevant.

This case is one of the very first cases to deal with the new remedy introduced by s 402 of the Companies Act 1995. This provision authorises the Court to intervene in a number of ways - where it considers it just and equitable to do so - in order to protect shareholders against acts of a company which are oppressive, unfairly prejudicial or unfairly discriminatory to a member or members. The case concerned one of Malta's larger banks, whose shares are listed on the Malta Stock Exchange. The Government of Malta held or controlled approximately 70% of the shares. Early in 1999, the Government started negotiating with a leading foreign bank for the sale of its entire shareholding in the local bank. The Council of the Stock Exchange ordered the indefinite suspension of trading in the company's shares pending the finalisation of the negotiations and the conclusion of a due diligence exercise aimed at establishing a fair transfer price. ; peer-reviewed

This case is one of the very first cases to deal with the new remedy introduced by s 402 of the Companies Act 1995. This provision authorises the Court to intervene in a number of ways- where it considers it just and equitable to do so - in order to protect shareholders against acts of a company which are oppressive, unfairly prejudicial or unfairly discriminatory to a member or members. ; peer-reviewed

Inhaltsübersicht I. Allgemeines II. Notwendigkeit der Maßnahme 1. Tatsächlicher Hintergrund 2. Einschätzung der Polizeischüler 3. Eindruck des Verfassers III. Beschreibung der Maßnahme 1. Schüler, Trainer und Dauer 2. Unterrichtsinhalte 3. Unterrichtsform IV. Würdigung 1. Allgemeines 2. Methode 3. Inhalt 4. Wirkung V. Schlußfolgerungen

It was not until the 1987 election campaign that the TUC and the Labour Party clearly came out in favour of introducing a national minimum wage in Great Britain. The unions have traditionally been opposed to this type of legislation for a variety of reasons. First and foremost they believe that voluntarism is far more desirable than state intervention and that above all, collective bargaining would in the long run be the most efficient way of putting an end to poverty wages.

It was not until the 1987 election campaign that the TUC and the Labour Party clearly came out in favour of introducing a national minimum wage in Great Britain. The unions have traditionally been opposed to this type of legislation for a variety of reasons. First and foremost they believe that voluntarism is far more desirable than state intervention and that above all, collective bargaining would in the long run be the most efficient way of putting an end to poverty wages.

It was not until the 1987 election campaign that the TUC and the Labour Party clearly came out in favour of introducing a national minimum wage in Great Britain. The unions have traditionally been opposed to this type of legislation for a variety of reasons. First and foremost they believe that voluntarism is far more desirable than state intervention and that above all, collective bargaining would in the long run be the most efficient way of putting an end to poverty wages.

The authors argue that complementary hostile and benevolent components of sexism exist across cultures. Male dominance creates hostile sexism IHS), but men's dependence on women fosters benevolent sexism (BS)-subjectively positive attitudes that put women on a pedestal but reinforce their subordination. Research with 15,000 men and women in 19 nations showed that (a) HS and BS are coherent constructs that correlate positively across nations, but (b) HS predicts the ascription of negative and BS the ascription of positive traits to women, (c) relative to men, women are more likely to reject HS than BS, especially when overall levels of sexism in a culture are high, and (d) national averages on BS and HS predict gender inequality across nations. These results challenge prevailing notions of prejudice as an antipathy in that BS tan affectionate, patronizing ideology) reflects inequality and is a cross-culturally pervasive complement to HS.

The primary aim of this article is to place the late twentieth century Transracial Adoption (TRA) of African-American children accurately within the context of the child welfare system milieu out of which it emerged. It also endeavors to provide thoughtful scholars and child advocates a new lens with which to assess the past purpose, function, and efficacy of TRA. The author hopes that through these considerations more careful regulation and monitoring of future TRA placements will emerge, which will both protect the interests of the African-American adoptee and respect the African-American community.

AIDS, as formerly leprosy or tuberculosis, is an ilIness that, on one hand, reinforces some prejudices already existing in "normal" or sane people, and, on the other, ir is a disease that socially stigmatizes its victims. Additionally, AIDS has contributed to politicize that is, to make public-: sorne traditionally private aspects, as the context of the loving relationship homosexual or heterosexual-which is one of the main ways of transmittad. The transmission cf AIDS involves privateacts witñ public consequences. The social policies orientated ro combat ir involve, on the contrary, public acts with an impact on private life. Besides this link of what is public with what isprivate, it seems that a space has been opened for the reinforcement of certain prejudices and stigmas, Consequently, people affected by AJDS must suffer a doble sort of disctimination: a biological one, given the fatal character of such a disease, and a social one, given the prejudices and stigmas it carries. An important task for the psycho-social and educative research is to significantly contribute to diminish the latter. ; El SIDA, como la lepra o la tuberculosis en otras épocas, es una enfermedad que, por un lado, refuerza algunos prejuicios ya existentes de parte de los "normales" y, por otro, estigmatiza socialmente a sus victimas. Ade· más, esta enfermedad ha contribuido a politizar -Q hacer públicos- aspectos tradicionalmente privados, como el contexto de la relación amorosa -homosexual o heterosexual=, que es una de las principales formas de transmisión de la enfermedad. La transmisión del SIDA supone actos privados con consecuencias públicas. Las politicas sociales orientadas a combatirlo suponen, a la inversa, actos públicos que tienen un impacto en la esfera de lo privado. Junto a este vínculo de lo público con lo privado, se ha abierto un espacio para que ciertos prejuicios y estigmas se acentúen. Consecuentemente, los enfermos de SIDA sufren una doble marginación: biológica, por lo incurable de su mal, y social, por los ...

H2-receptor antagonists have been widely prescribed in the last 20 years and are considered to rank among the safest drugs known. In several countries they have been switched to over-the-counter (OTC) status, and a similar move is under consideration in Canada. Some concerns have been raised as to the effectiveness of these drugs in the treatment of dyspepsia and heartburn, their safety when taken for self-diagnosed symptoms, and the potential for their use to delay diagnosis or mask serious disease. The author presents evidence to support the use of OTC H2-receptor antagonists in the treatment of dyspepsia. He argues that the safety record of these drugs is reassuring and that they are unlikely to mask gastric cancer. Finally, he describes the appropriate place of OTC H2-receptor antagonists in the overall management of acid-related disorders.

The surprising appointment of Winkie Direko as premier of the African National Congress (ANC)-led Free State Province in June 1999 came as a rude awakening to the provincial leadership of the ANC, as well as to the Free State citizens. Because of her 'lack of experience' in as far as full-time party politics are concerned, her appointment to the premiership position came as a shock to some people in the Free State Province, who without doubt had earmarked certain individuals within the ANC provincial leadership for this position. After the June 1999 elections the appointment of the provincial premiers became the prerogative of the country's president, Thabo Mbeki. Direko found herself appointed in this position based on the trust the president had in her to lead the trouble-torn Free State Province. It is important to note that when Mbeki appointed a premier, the potential of that individual counted more than the role that individual had played in the party's politics. Direko's community involvement is a factor that could not be ignored in her appointment as the premier of the Free State Province.

Includes bibliographical references. ; This thesis attempts to determine whether the amount of discrimination a person displays is more influenced by stable attitudinal orientations, as implied by the Social Dominance Orientation (SDO) construct of Social Dominance Theory, or by the context variance favoured by Social Identity Theory. To this end, three studies were conducted. The first study was designed to establish whether the standard assessment tool, the SDO6 scale, is an appropriate measure of SDO in South Africa. It was found that the scale possessed the same general characteristics as in other societies, as assessed using a diverse sample of people from the Cape Town metropolitan region. However, the finding that Black females had a higher desire for inequality between groups than Black males, and that younger subjects desired more inequality than older participants, suggests that cultural aspects have to be taken into consideration when interpreting findings obtained with the SDO6 scale. The second and third study employed the scale in order to assess the research question, as stated above. The second study employed an experimental design to determine whether manipulations of group status, stability, and the legitimacy of status differences influences in-group bias in English speaking students from the University of Cape Town. They completed the SDO6 scale before and after being exposed to a contrived theory of coping differences between English and Afrikaans speakers. As the manipulations of stability and legitimacy were unsuccessful only the influence of status and SDO on discrimination could be tested High status group members described themselves their own group as more competent than the group of Afrikaans speakers, and also contributed greater coping ability to English speakers than to Afrikaans speakers. Differences in SDO levels were not reflected in the amount of in-group bias expressed. The third study investigated the influence of SDO, group status, stability and legitimacy on race- based discrimination by analysing survey data collected from a large and diverse sample from the Cape Town metropolitan region. This study differed from previous SOT research, which focused on societies with stable societies, by investigating the applicability of the concept of SDO in a society which has been recognised as undergoing socioeconomic and political change. The results obtained support SOTs assumption that stratification systems are rather persistent to change. Black, Coloured and White participants still see the historically dominant White South African group as dominant and the Black South African group as the most subordinate group. The participants expected this hierarchy to remain stable over the next five years. Black participants were the most in favour of equality between race groups, despite SDT's prediction that the most subordinate group would have the lowest SDO levels. In contrast to the finding in Study 2, a higher SDO level was relate to more favouritism for a person's own group. The effect of SDO was moderated by perceptions of the own group's relative status and the perceived legitimacy of the stratification stem. The socio-structural variables by themselves did not contribute to the explanation of individual differences in discrimination. It is concluded that under some conditions, SITs socio-structural variables are better able to explain why people discriminate and in others the SDT's concept of SDO has more value. In other words, SDO is not as general as posted by social dominance theorists. Further research on the influence of the salience of group distinctions and cultural factors in general on the desire to establish and maintain social hierarchies is required.

State sanctioned disability-based discrimination comes in two basic flavors: prejudice and thoughtlessness. The former takes disability into consideration, while the latter ignores it. The Fourteenth Amendment's Equal Protection Clause prohibits the prejudice but not the thoughtlessness, at least when the latter is unassociated with irrational assumptions based on myths, fears and stereotypes. Unlike most other civil rights statutes, the Americans With Disabilities Act (hereinafter "ADA" or "Act") prohibits both prejudice and thoughtlessness and aptly has been characterized as a "second-generation civil rights statute." Unfortunately, the ADA's claim to innovation might yet prove to be its constitutional Achilles heel. Across the United States, state governments are challenging Congress's constitutional power under Section 5 of the Fourteenth Amendment to prohibit any state-sponsored disability-based discrimination other than prejudice-based differential treatment. The spear point of this constitutional attack is the ADA's requirement that the states as employers sometimes must provide a reasonable accommodation. This article explores the issues raised by this constitutional assault on the ADA.