As opposed to philosophy, theology and natural sciences, for which only the singular Man exists, for political theory the decisive fact is the plurality of men. Politics is preoccupied with common and mutual being of different men. It is created among men and established as their connectedness. Freedom exists only in the authentic interspace of politics. We are saved from that freedom in the "necessity of history", which is a revolting absurdity. When one wishes in our time to speak about politics, one must start with the prejudice towards it. The prejudice accurately reflect the truly existing contemporary situation precisely in its political aspects, and suggest that we have ended up in a situation in which we do not quite or do not yet know how to move politically. The prejudice towards politics are manifest in the notion that national politics is made up of lies and deception by corrupt interests and corrupt ideology, while foreign politics hovers between hollow propaganda and brute force. This causes a flight into powerlessness, a desperate desire for men in general to be deprived of the freedom to act. Politics is, always and everywhere, preoccupied with illuminating and dissolving prejudice. If one wishes to dissolve prejudice, one must first discover the past judgment contained therein, i.e. actually show their contents of truth. This is the task of the faculty of judgment, but not as mere capability to subject the individual regularly and adequately to the general that corresponds to it and regarding which there is agreement, but as judgment directly and with no standard. The loss of standard, which truly determines the modern world in its facticity and cannot be annulled by any return to the good, old tradition or any arbitrary setting up of new values and standards, is therefore a catastrophe of the moral world only if one presupposes that men would in fact be completely unable to judge things in and of themselves, and that their faculty of judgment is insufficient for original judgment. Politics is always centered on care for the world organized in this or some different way, without which those who care and who are political, think that life is not worth living. Where men come together, the world always breaks through between them, and all human actions take place in this interspace. Adapted from the source document.
This paper analyzes the grounds, origins, & manifestations of ethnic conflict in the area of former Yugoslavia on the basis of current psychological thought. Deriving from Allport' s "theory of prejudice," we outline the historic grounds, sociocultural diversity, & specific character of the particular social & political situation. Trying to find an answer to the crucial question of what is to be done, we distinguish between the four stages of conflict -- latency, manifestation, actualization, & consolidation -- as well as the three lines of action -- institutional solutions, influence of the mass media, & the process of political socialization. 12 References. Adapted from the source document.
This paper analyzes the grounds, origins, & manifestations of ethnic conflict in the area of former Yugoslavia on the basis of current psychological thought. Deriving from Allport' s "theory of prejudice," we outline the historic grounds, sociocultural diversity, & specific character of the particular social & political situation. Trying to find an answer to the crucial question of what is to be done, we distinguish between the four stages of conflict -- latency, manifestation, actualization, & consolidation -- as well as the three lines of action -- institutional solutions, influence of the mass media, & the process of political socialization. 12 References. Adapted from the source document.
近年来,针对就业和就学中遭遇歧视的困境,中国乙肝携带者发起一场要求消除歧视、维护合法权益的抗争运动。为什么乙肝携带者就业歧视问题在中国如此显著?面对国家和市场这两大最具权势的系统,公民社会将何以对抗?本文旨在从社会学的视角对这场"将'乙肝'去除"的运动进行解读。 ; 本文采用个案研究方法,以北京益仁平中心为主要研究对象,围绕 "乙肝"在中国的建构和重构过程,将研究聚焦于三个方面:第一,乙肝污名化过程以及国家、市场中的话语权;第二,反乙肝歧视维权运动的条件和动员机制;第三,"将'乙肝'去除"中的政治和权力话语三角。 ; 本文从社会运动理论中的资源动员、政治机会结构和框架理论出发解读中国乙肝携带者的维权运动;将运动中的微观景象与宏观社会结构结合起来,考察影响乙肝携带者维权运动的主要因素以及运动的动员机制。研究伊始分别从国家和市场两个领域审视乙肝歧视问题在中国的建构过程,阐明乙肝污名化是政府权威以及市场中医药商和医学权威共谋下的合力作用,从而为乙肝携带者反歧视抗争运动的后续研究选择一个合适的立足点。笔者在案例中发现,组织在维权运动中将乙肝携带者群体动员起来,采取有效的策略,充分利用其在资源获得方面的优势、建立乙肝维权组织网络、善于把握时机营造政治机会空间、并能够吸纳律师和媒体的专业力量是维权行动能取得成功的重要因素。 ; 组织在维权行动中的话语框架对运动的发展至关重要。乙肝携带者群体对组织运动框架的认同是动员成功的基础;掌握定义"乙肝"的主动权、运动领袖的可信性、框架话语表达的日常化、与媒体的良好关系等策略有助于框架在动员中与参与者、旁观者产生共鸣;抗争精英通过话语框架为抗争活动提供合法性。 ; 反乙肝歧视维权运动可以看作是一个"将'乙肝'去除"的"去污名化"运动。一方面,中央政府与地方政府有着各自自主性利益;另一方面,乙肝携带者群体内部就抗争形式也难以统一,这两种分裂情况交叉形成了一个围绕"将'乙肝'去除"的,以规则、效益和权利为话语的权力三角,支撑反歧视行动的抗争空间。权力三角的多变性决定去除"乙肝"的行动是有策略的、冒险的,但却相对稳定。 ; Hepatitis B Virus carriers (HBVers) have launched series social movements targeting at eliminating discriminations against HBVers in job market and promoting fair employment in recent decade of years. Why does nowhere match the HBV discrimination in such country like China? How is contentious politics possible when the powerless engage in struggles with power holders, like state and market in China? The thesis attempts to learn the intricacies of body politics with sociological approaches. ; Yirenping, a NGO located in Beijing, is selected as research object in this case study. Concentrating on the political nature of the HBV confrontations, this thesis is comprised of three parts: first, the stigmatization of HBV in China; second, tactics and strategies that employed against the system of discrimination; third, the politics of "Removing HBV" and the power triangle among state, market and civil society. ; The analysis of the HBV movement is informed by three sociological theories of social movements: resource mobilization, political opportunity structure and framing, meanwhile macro structure and micro interaction are combined. It is ...
Yau, Sin Yee Christine. ; "November 2010." ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011. ; Includes bibliographical references (p. 210-229). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.i ; Acknowledge --- p.iii ; Chapter 1. --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Background: --- p.6 ; What is Demeanor? --- p.6 ; What is Resistance? --- p.8 ; Who are they? --- p.9 ; Chapter - --- Heunggongyahn --- p.9 ; Chapter - --- Daaihlohkyahn --- p.10 ; Chapter - --- Gwailou --- p.11 ; Research Significance --- p.12 ; Literature Review: --- p.13 ; Demeanor: Cultural Knowledge --- p.14 ; Demeanor: Embodiment and Presentation of Cultural Identities --- p.16 ; Politicizing Demeanor: Struggling for Power and Conveying Messages --- p.17 ; Hong Kong Identity: Its Shaping Process --- p.19 ; Methodology: --- p.21 ; Entering the Field: Daily Observation --- p.21 ; Pilot Test --- p.22 ; "In-depth, Semi-structured, and Structured Interviews" --- p.23 ; Participant Observation --- p.24 ; Organization of the Thesis --- p.25 ; Informants' Details --- p.28 ; Chapter 2. --- Heunggongyahn and Daaihlohkyahn --- p.30 ; Introduction --- p.30 ; "Pride: Certain Demeanor as ""Superior"" Prestige" --- p.31 ; The Prestige in Not Disturbing Others --- p.32 ; "The Prestige in Sitting ""Properly"": Preserving City's Image" --- p.34 ; "The Prestige in Having Gungdaksam, Public Virtue" --- p.41 ; The Prestige in Keeping some Distance from Strangers --- p.43 ; The Prestige in Endurance and Keeping Quiet: Saving Face --- p.44 ; "Prejudice: Certain Demeanor as ""Inferior"" Stigma" --- p.47 ; The Stigma of Squatting --- p.48 ; The Stigma of Public Excretion --- p.56 ; The Stigma of Nose Picking --- p.62 ; The Stigma of Spitting --- p.63 ; Conclusion --- p.67 ; Chapter 3. --- My Informants' Everyday Life --- p.69 ; Introduction --- p.69 ; "The Civilizing Process: Demeanor as a ""Linear Evolution""" --- p.70 ; "Using Seat-Toilets ""Properly""" --- p.71 ; Lining up --- p.76 ; Demeanor as Capital --- p.81 ; Cultural Capital --- p.81 ; Symbolic Capital ...
U radu je prikazan odnos prema djeci s teškoćama u razvoju od početka ljudske zajednice do danas. Odnosi društvene zajednice prema djeci s teškoćama u razvoju ograničavani su i obilježavani različitim karakteristikama društva u određenim povijesnim događanjima. Ekonomska i politička zbivanja snažno su utjecale na segregaciju djece s teškoćama u razvoju. Segregirajući odnos i predrasude prema osobama s invaliditetom, a posebno prema djeci s teškoćama u razvoju trajala su tisućama godina. Povijesne činjenice pokazuju da se nuđenjem većih mjera socijalne zaštite i nametanjem pasivizacije osobama s invaliditetom i djeci s teškoćama u razvoju smanjuju mogućnost društvene rehabilitacije. U nekim drugim razdobljima, posebno nakon različitih pošasti i ratnih razaranja, odnos društva prema marginaliziranim članovima mijenjao se, otvarajući im prostor uključivanja u rad i obrazovanje. U radu je prikazano kako su spomenute politike i filozofski pravci utjecali su na stvaranje vrijednosti i uvjerenja šire društvene zajednice prema djeci s teškoćama u razvoju. Danas, za ostvarivanje odgoja i obrazovanja u inkluzivnom društvu, samo zakonodavstvo koje je izrazito važno i jasno, ipak je nedovoljno bez principa prilagođenih odgoju i obrazovanju svake zajednice. ; The paper describes the attitude towards children with disabilities from the beginning of human society to this day. Terms of community relations towards children with disabilities are constrained and marked with different social circumstances and historical events. Economic and political developments have strongly influenced for segregation children with disabilities. Segregated attitude and prejudice against people with disabilities, especially towards children with disabilities have lasted thousands of years. Historical facts show that by offering greater social protection measures and the imposition of passivity people with disabilities and children with disabilities reduces the possibility of their social rehabilitation. In other periods, especially after the scourge of war, disease and natural disasters, social attitudes towards marginalized changed by opening their premises involvement in work and education. Mentioned politics and philosophical lines influenced on the creation of values and beliefs towards children with disabilities in different historical periods. Today, for the realization of education in an inclusive society except the legislation, who is extremely important and clearly, still is not enough without the principle of customized education of each community.
"Kristalna noć" najčešće se povezuje s nacističkim uništavanjem židovske imovine 1938., ali u kontekstu rata u Hrvatskoj neki taj pojam koriste i za uništavanje srpske imovine u Zadru i njegovoj okolici 2. svibnja 1991. Dok se u većini hrvatske javnosti taj događaj ignorira, dio javnosti interpretira ga kao početak progona srpskoga stanovništva u organizaciji Hrvatske demokratske zajednice, zadarskih općinskih vlasti te hrvatske policije. Takav stav uglavnom je posljedica medijskih manipulacija i nema uporište u činjenicama. Premda se dio povjesničara u svojim znanstvenim radovima dotaknuo zbivanja u Zadru početkom svibnja 1991., zadarska "kristalna noć" uglavnom je ostala historiografski neistražena. Rad se temelji na neobjavljenim arhivskim izvorima Ministarstva unutarnjih poslova Republike Hrvatske, Jugoslavenske narodne armije, tisku i relevantnoj literaturi. ; On 2 May 1991, Serbian property in Zadar and its surrounding area came under attack. The attacks took place after months of tensions between Croats and Serbs, and later became known as the 'Night of Broken Glass'. These tensions were the direct consequence of the Serbian armed rebellion that erupted in northern Dalmatia, Lika, and the hinterland of Zadar in August 1991. The public security system that met the rebellion was created in January 1990, when the Secretariat of the Interior for the area of the Benkovac, Biograd na Moru, Obrovac, Pag, and Zadar municipalities was established in Zadar. In this area, Croats were an absolute majority in the Biograd na Moru and Zadar municipalities, and the Serbs in the Benkovac and Obrovac municipalities. The rebellion prompted divisions not only among the population, but also among the police. By January 1991, most policemen of Serbian nationality had left the Zadar police force and joined the rebels. Despite being weakened in terms of manpower, the Zadar police for the most part managed to successfully preserve public safety. The security situation worsened after a skirmish between Croatian police and rebel Serbs at the Plitvice Lakes on 31 March 1991. A significant increase in shootings, setting of bombs, road blockades, and other forms of criminal activity, mostly nationally motivated, was recorded. In addition to the rebel Serbs, the instability was caused by the Yugoslav People's Army (YPA), which deployed its forces in Zadar's hinterland in early April 1991, causing alarm among the Croatian population. This deployment was part of a broader plan through which the YPA sought to set up a 'buffer zone' in order to close off the areas held by rebel Serbs and prevent the Croatian police from interfering. On 2 May 1991, the security situation throughout Croatia, and therefore in the area under the jurisdiction of the Zadar police, collapsed. Serb rebels killed 12 Croatian policemen in Borovo Selo near Vukovar, and severely wounded Zadar policeman Franko Lisica in Polača near Biograd na Moru; he soon died of his wounds. Despite the Croatian authorities' calls for peace, spontaneous unrest erupted throughout Croatia, and Serbian property and companies were attacked. Furthermore, there were incidents involving the YPA. The mood of the Croatian population in Zadar after the murder of the policeman Lisica was similar to that in other parts of Croatia. Despite the municipal authorities' calls for peace and their organising of a peaceful protest march, various uncoordinated groups demolished and plundered Serbian property on 2 May. The Zadar police failed to stop them because most of the policemen were engaged in the area affected by the Serb rebellion, while others were busy protecting the residential buildings in Zadar in which members of the YPA and their families resided. Soon, due to a feeling of insecurity, a mass exodus of Serbs from Zadar took place; these Serbs took refuge in the areas occupied by the rebels. Apart from the Zadar Serbs, Croats in the areas held by Serb rebels also began to leave their homes in early May 1991. On 1 May 1991, rebel Serbs drove many Croats from the areas around Knin. On the night of 6 to 7 May, as an act of revenge for the events in Zadar, the property of Croats, Albanians, and Croatian companies was attacked and plundered. Different sources give different data regarding the extent of the damage caused to Serbian property. Criminal charges raised by the Croatian police against unknown perpetrators on 2 May 1991 mention that 175 catering establishments, commercial premises, stands, kiosks, and automobiles were damaged. Apart from the property of Serbs, property belonging to Croats, Muslims, Roma, and Croatian companies was also damaged. There are numerous prejudices and controversies regarding the 'Night of Broken Glass', which mostly ignore the then security-political context. Certainly, there were those among the Croats who did not consider the attacks on Serbian property and their exodus from Zadar as anything controversial, but available sources clearly point towards the conclusion that the destruction of Serbian property was not organised and was not a part of the policy of the Croatian leadership.
