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Zangwill, Israel. Without Prejudice. London: T. Fisher Unwin, 1896 Jewish author and political activist, Israel Zangwill (1864 - 1926), was passionate about campaigning for the oppressed. Many of his works address women's suffrage, pacifism, Zionism, and Jewish emancipation. He was a strong believer in assimilation and is best known for his influential novel "Children of the Ghetto: A Study of a Peculiar People" (1892) which was later released as a play titled "The Melting Pot" (1908). Zangwill is credited with coining the term "melting pot" to describe the fusion of various cultures and ethnicities. This is a rare volume of literary essays and travel accounts. Most of the selections were originally printed in Pall Mall Magazine.- Biblio.com Full text ; https://digitalcommons.rockefeller.edu/jason-brown-library/1028/thumbnail.jpg

Reluctance within the European Union to accept genetically modified crops may hinder the benefits of this technology reaching the developing world

Accompanying the spread of SARS-CoV-2 (COVID-19) across the globe was a proliferation in anti-Asian hate crimes and political rhetoric. These discriminatory actions mirrored the prejudice exhibited towards other groups in past pandemics, such as Jewish populations in Europe during the Black Death between 1346 and 1353. This study aimed to determine similar patterns relating to and underlying the prejudice seen in past pandemics, focusing on three categories: hate crimes, political rhetoric, and religiosity. Prejudice against Jewish people during the Bubonic plague, Immigrants in America during the 1918 Flu, and Asian Americans during COVID-19 were investigated in this study because of the historical record of existing prejudice against these groups before the start of the pandemics. Overall, this study found that there was no general pattern of hate crimes during past pandemics without accompanying political rhetoric. In addition, there was no general pattern in religiosity in the pandemics studied, suggesting that the prejudice was not fueled by religious motivations. Given the small selection of pandemics analyzed in this study, further analysis with more pandemics could present more robust conclusions.

People are motivated to protect their worldviews. One way to protect one's worldviews is through prejudice toward worldview-dissimilar groups and individuals. The traditional hypothesis predicts that people with more traditional and conservative worldviews will be more likely to protect their worldviews with prejudice than people with more liberal and progressive worldviews, whereas the worldview conflict hypothesis predicts that people with both traditional and liberal worldviews will be protect their worldviews through prejudice. We review evidence across both political and religious domains, as well as evidence using disgust sensitivity, Big Five personality traits, and cognitive ability as measures of individual differences historically associated with prejudice. We discuss four core findings that are consistent with the worldview conflict hypothesis: (1) The link between worldview conflict and prejudice is consistent across worldviews. (2) The link between worldview conflict and prejudice is found across various expressions of prejudice. (3) The link between worldview conflict and prejudice is found in multiple countries. (4) Openness, low disgust sensitivity, and cognitive ability—traits and individual differences historically associated with less prejudice—may in fact also show evidence of worldview conflict. We discuss how worldview conflict may be rooted in value dissimilarity, identity, and uncertainty management, as well as potential routes for reducing worldview conflict.

"Research for this Freedom pamphlet was begun by Paul Tobenkin." ; Includes bibliography. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Is empathy a remedy for prejudice? This short paper argues it has a large role to play. It explores the authors' observations as a Humanities teacher engaging Grade 8 Australian students between the ages of 12 and 14 in a study of the film Rabbit-Proof Fence. As students empathised with Aboriginal (Indigenous Australian) children forcibly removed from their families under Australian government policy in the twentieth century, they questioned the negative things they themselves had come to believe about Indigenous Australians.

Education is often found to be a strong determinant of ethnic prejudice. However, there is preliminary evidence that this educational effect varies across countries. Moreover, there are also theoretical arguments to expect cross-national variances in the educational effect on ethnic prejudice. From both a cultural and structural perspective, we set out to explain these cross-national variances in the educational effect. Results of multilevel analyses on data from 11 European countries show that the cultural perspective is more fruitful to explain cross-national variances in the strength of the educational effect on ethnic prejudice than the structural perspective: a country's democratic tradition and degree of religious heterogeneity are important for the strength of the educational effect on ethnic prejudice, whereas a country's ethnic composition and unemployment rate are less relevant.

This research paper is developed from my research; Women's rights in Theravada Buddhism, a critical study of the Theravada's perspective on women's rights, status, duties and in socio-economic - political roles as portrayed in the Pali Tipitaka and other related Buddhist texts. The focus of the study is Early Buddhism in India up to 700 C.E., But in this paper, I would like to present some prejudice to women appeared in Theravada and Mahayana Buddhism. In Theravada literatures, There were no direct teachings with respect to women's socio-economic-political status, rights and roles. But there existed some interpretable teachings which illustrated some places in the universe that women could not get into. In Theravada Buddhist perspective, women should not be allowed to get involved in any socio-economic and political matters. It is noted that Theravada literatures collected in the later periods of time depicted more negative portraits of women when compared to the earlier ones. It is true that Buddhism in both early and later periods has been significantly influenced by the patriarchy culture in India. The negative images of women were increasingly portrayed due to the influences of asceticism which, to a certain extent, were associated with the patriarchy culture. ; บทความนี้ปรับปรุงจากโครงวิจัยเรื่อง "สิทธิสตรีในพระพุทธศาสนาเถรวาท" ที่ศึกษาทัศนะของพระพุทธศาสนาเถรวาทเรื่อง สิทธิ หน้าที่ สถานภาพ และบทบาททางสังคม-เศรษฐกิจและการเมืองของสตรี ตามที่ปรากฏในพระไตรปิฎกภาษาบาลี อรรถกถา และเอกสารทางวิชาการด้านพระพุทธศาสนาเกี่ยวข้อง โดยจำกัดขอบเขตการศึกษาไว้ในช่วงสมัยเริ่มแรกของพระพุทธศาสนาจนถึงคริสต์ศตวรรษที่ 7 อย่างไรก็ตาม ในบทความนี้จะนำเสนอเฉพาะประเด็นเกี่ยวกับอคติที่มีต่อเพศหญิงอันปรากฏอยู่ทั่วไปในพุทธศาสนาเถรวาทและมหายาน กล่าวได้ว่า ในวรรณกรรมของพระพุทธศาสนาเถรวาทและมหายาน ไม่มีคำสอนอันเกี่ยวเนื่องกับสถานภาพ สิทธิ และบทบาทของสตรีในทางสังคม เศรษฐกิจ และการเมืองโดยตรง แต่มีคำสอนบางเรื่องที่ตีความได้ว่า มีบางตำแหน่งแห่งที่ในจักรวาลนี้ที่สตรีเข้าถึงไม่ได้ และสตรีไม่อาจเข้าไปมีบทบาทในกิจกรรมทางสังคมเศรษฐกิจการเมืองได้ น่าสังเกตว่า ในวรรณกรรมของเถรวาทที่รวบรวมขึ้นในยุคหลัง จะมีภาพลบของสตรีมากกว่าในวรรณกรรมยุคแรก ๆ ทั้งนี้เพราะได้รับอิทธิพลจากแนวคิด "พรตนิยม" ซึ่งซ้อนทับกับระบบที่ให้ความสำคัญกับผู้ชายนั่นเอง

This item is part of the Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements (PRISM) digital collection, a collaborative initiative between Florida Atlantic University and University of Central Florida in the Publication of Archival, Library & Museum Materials (PALMM).

Human prejudice and blindness to animal suffering are shocking. Despite their differences in culture, politics, and religious beliefs, humans have one thing in common. They see nonhuman animals as inferior and have since time immemorial assumed a dominant position in an asymmetrical human-animal relationship. When it comes to human-animal relations, there is no "clash of civilizations." Human prejudice and blindness are predicated on "common sense assumptions" about the natural world and nonhuman animals in particular. Marino & Merskin's review is part of the growing effort to debunk the assumptions that have shaped human actions so as to end the injustice we inflict on nonhuman animals.

Partisanship increasingly factors into the behavior of Americans in both political and nonpolitical situations, yet the bounds of partisan prejudice are largely unknown. In this paper, we systematically evaluate the limits of partisan prejudice using a series of five studies situated within a typology of prejudice. We find that partisan prejudice predicts suppression of hostile rhetoric toward one's own party, avoidance of members of the opposition, and a desire for preferential treatment for one's own party. While these behaviors may cause incidental or indirect harm to the opposition, we find that even the most affectively polarized—those with the strongest disdain for the opposition—are no more likely to intentionally harm the opposition than those with minimal levels of affective polarization.

Contemporary prejudice research focuses primarily on people who are motivated to respond without prejudice and the ways in which unintentional bias can cause these people to act inconsistent with this motivation. However, some real-world phenomena (e.g., hate speech, hate crimes) and experimental findings (e.g., Plant & Devine, 2001; 2009) suggest that some expressions of prejudice are intentional. These phenomena and findings are difficult to explain solely from the motivations to respond without prejudice. We argue that some people are motivated to express prejudice, and we develop the motivation to express prejudice (MP) scale to measure this motivation. In seven studies involving more than 6,000 participants, we demonstrate that, across scale versions targeted at Black people and gay men, the MP scale has good reliability and convergent, discriminant, and predictive validity. In normative climates that prohibit prejudice, the internal and external motivations to express prejudice are functionally non-independent, but they become more independent when normative climates permit more prejudice toward a target group. People high in the motivation to express prejudice are relatively likely to resist pressure to support programs promoting intergroup contact and vote for political candidates who support oppressive policies. The motivation to express prejudice predicted these outcomes even when controlling for attitudes and the motivations to respond without prejudice. This work encourages contemporary prejudice researchers to broaden the range of samples, target groups, and phenomena that they study, and more generally to consider the intentional aspects of negative intergroup behavior.

This case is one of the very first cases to deal with the new remedy introduced by s 402 of the Companies Act 1995. This provision authorises the Court to intervene in a number of ways - where it considers it just and equitable to do so - in order to protect shareholders against acts of a company which are oppressive, unfairly prejudicial or unfairly discriminatory to a member or members. The case concerned one of Malta's larger banks, whose shares are listed on the Malta Stock Exchange. The Government of Malta held or controlled approximately 70% of the shares. Early in 1999, the Government started negotiating with a leading foreign bank for the sale of its entire shareholding in the local bank. The Council of the Stock Exchange ordered the indefinite suspension of trading in the company's shares pending the finalisation of the negotiations and the conclusion of a due diligence exercise aimed at establishing a fair transfer price. ; peer-reviewed

This case is one of the very first cases to deal with the new remedy introduced by s 402 of the Companies Act 1995. This provision authorises the Court to intervene in a number of ways- where it considers it just and equitable to do so - in order to protect shareholders against acts of a company which are oppressive, unfairly prejudicial or unfairly discriminatory to a member or members. ; peer-reviewed

Social psychological research shows that people have hidden prejudices ('implicit biases'): without their knowledge, these have a discriminatory influence on their behaviour. This is a problem for liberal democracies. A deliberative method – entering into a debate, convincing – is pointless: anyone who believes in it is already committed to the equality ideal. One possible solution is a non-deliberative method. An example would be administering a – conceivable - anti-prejudice pill. But what does it mean to have hidden biases and hold people accountable through non-deliberative methods? This dissertation examines these issues from two theoretical frameworks: mentalism and pragmatism. Mentalism is the dominant framework in social psychology and ethics: it determines research into implicit biases and methods to combat implicit biases. My analysis of mentalism shows that people who are unaware of their hidden biases cannot become aware of them. Second, people are not responsible for their biases and therefore cannot be held responsible for them. In short: it remains unclear whether you should, for example, administer an anti-prejudice pill. Based on Robert Brandom's normative pragmatism, the pragmatism I propose shows that prejudice is a social, normative and practical phenomenon. People are responsible for their hidden biases and thus can be held accountable. I propose non-deliberative methods of accountability: it does not influence individuals or their brains but focuses on narrative influencing public opinion.