AbstractThe impeachment of President Park Gyeun‐hye on 10 March 2017 saw South Korean politics enter a period of crisis. Her removal from office, the result of an unprecedented mass movement of citizen protests, provided a springboard for the subsequent success of the liberal candidate, Moon Jae‐in, in the presidential election of 9 May 2017. This article suggests that political change in South Korea is only possible if actors move beyond the politics of personality, and tackle the structural reasons for the policy failures of recent times. Further, if democracy, a humane economic system and responsive political institutions are going to be developed and nourished, the country's 'imperial presidency' needs to be reformed. In particular, the current 'winner‐takes‐all' politics, with the presidency as the main locus of power, needs to be reformed in ways that promote a more balanced political system, increasing the influence of other actors and institutions.
Article 4 paragraph 1 of the 1945 Constitution concerning the President of the Republic of Indonesia holds governmental authority under the Constitution. However, Governor elected sometimes set up policies ultra vires for they thought that they held legitimacy to exercise the power from their consituents. Poor coordination between Cabinet and the Governor and program mismatched implicated in bad development program and public service in the region. President, in the context of presidentialism, is the apex of hierarchy. The Cabinet must be loyal to the president not to other patrons. Proposal to grant a ministerial power level of position and role to the Governor or to provide seats for Governor and Deputy Governor at the cabinet meeting is worth a consideration. In addition to lessen the miscommunication with the Cabinet, it is also to ease the works of the Cabinet in the regions. Governor and the Cabinet would have a good relationship whenever the program and policy of the Cabinet are transparently conveyed to all governors and when people are also informed. Participation should be developed on the ground of freedom of speech. Therefore, the decision-making process in the Cabinet that was formerly hierarchical will shift to the process involving the entire people of Indonesia. Certainly, the mechanism of this participation would be easier if the representative of the governor or the Governer seats in the Cabinet and vice versa. Keywords: Cabinet, governor, president, presidential system. ; Pasal 4 ayat 1 UUD 1945 menyebutkan Presiden Republik Indonesia memegang kekuasaan pemerintahan menurut Undang-Undang Dasar. Namun, terkadang Gubernur menetapkan kebijakan-kebijakan diluar wewenangnya dikarenakan merasa sudah mendapat legitimasi dari rakyat di daerahnya, serta minimnya koordinasi kabinet dengan gubernur, serta ketidakselarasan program berimplikasi terhadap buruknya pembangunan dan pelayanan publik di daerah. Presiden dalam konteks presidensialisme berada dipuncak hierarki otoritas pemerintah. Kabinet wajib loyal pada presiden bukan pada patron lainnya. Ihwal usul untuk memberi kedudukan dan peran gubernur setingkat menteri atau memberikan gubernur dan/atau wakilnya menempati posisi pada rapat kabinet layak dipertimbangkan. Selain mengurangi miss communication dengan kabinet, hal ini tentunya juga melancarkan kerja-kerja anggota kabinet di daerah. Hubungan gubernur dan kabinet akan menjadi harmonis bila program dan kebijakan kabinet dipaparkan secara transparan dimana seluruh gubernur dan masyarakat mengetahuinya. Partisipasi mesti dibangun atas dasar kebebasan berbicara yang membangun. Sehingga proses pengambilan keputusan dikabinet yang selama ini hirarkis akan menjadi keputusan yang melibatkan seluruh rakyat Indonesia. Tentu mekanisme pelaksanaan partisipasi ini akan lebih mudah jika perwakilan gubernur atau gubernur ada didalam cabinet dan berlaku sebaliknya perwakilan pemerintahan pusat ada di daerah. Kata kunci: Kabinet, gubernur, presiden, sistem presidensial
Exploring elites and their relations to institutions can assist understanding the day-to-day realities of politics in Africa (Chabal and Daloz 1999, Amundsen 2001, Lindberg 2003). This review is a scoping exercise in what has been written on the subject in recent years. The main task of the review is to summarise current understandings of how elites work with and through political institutions in Africa. There is a huge literature in this subject area. We have tried to pick out a) that which is most pertinent and non-repetitive, and b) that which raises as many questions as it provides answers. On the whole we have focused on literature published in the last five to ten years and we have inclined towards the literature on Anglophone Africa. The review is presented as follows: Section 1 is an introduction to Africa's recent political landscape and it introduces some of the major issues that appear in the literature. Section 2 provides some working definitions of elites, institutions and democratisation as three of the recurring themes in the review. Section 3 reviews literature broadly on democratisation in Africa and specifically on elections and elites. Section 4 examines how political parties have evolved over the last 15 years. Section 5 reviews the three branches of government and Section 6 briefly examines decentralisation and its relation to elites and politics. The remaining sections of the review move outside the more formal political structures to examine the media (Section 7), civil society (Section 8), women's movements (Section 9), Trades unions (Section 10) and business associations (Section 11). The final Section 12 pulls out a number of gaps in the research that we have identified in the course of the review. Section 13 contains a complete bibliography of citations used in the review. It is crucial to remember that Africa's experiences of democratisation are no more than 15 years old, and many scholars have cautioned that it is still very early to draw any definite conclusions (Amundsen 2001; Randall and Svasand 2002). Inhaltsverzeichnis: 1. Africa's political landscape 3 * Diversity of 'Africa' 4 * Elections do not mean democracy 4 * Presidentialism 4 * Ethnicity 5 * Personal rule and patronage 5 2. Definitions 6 * Elites 6 * Political institutions 7 * Democratisation 8 3. Democratisation and elites 8 * Elections 9 * Elites and elections 13 4. Political parties 16 5. Branches of government 17 * The executive 17 * The legislature 18 * The Judiciary 20 6. Decentralisation 20 7. Media 21 * Radio 25 * Television 25 * Newspapers 25 * Internet 26 8. Civil society 26 9. Women's movements 29 10. Trade unions 32 11. Business associations 34 12. Gaps in the research 36 13. Bibliography 38
This article analyses the contentious liaisons between the indigenous movement and the state in Ecuador during the government of Alianza PAIS under the presidency of Rafael Correa (2007-2017). The research question examines to which measure, how and why the shift from neoliberal to leftist administrations could have affected the principal strategic repertoire of the indigenous movement. Leaning on a political economy approach and social movement theorizing, and accentuating the relative power balance between the indigenous movement and the state, it focuses on indigenous oppositional strategies and the ambivalent attitude of the state regarding participatory democracy and the rights of the indigenous peoples. By contrasting this period with the neoliberal 1990s – considered the heyday of the indigenous struggle – we examine contemporary strategic responses of the movement amidst the new political setting characterized by hyper-presidentialism and a systematic effort to de-corporatize the state. A central finding is that, while retaining its powerful organizational network which could be reactivated during critical situations, the indigenous movement weakened in relation to the 1990s. This relative decline is manifested in three types of social movement relationships: between leaders and grassroots (mobilizing capacity); between the movement and its alliance partners (alliance politics); and between the movement and the legal institutional terrain of the state (institutional participation). Resumen: Economía política de las relaciones Estado-indígenas: Ecuador en tiempo de Alianza PAISEste artículo analiza las relaciones conflictivas entre el movimiento indígena y el Estado en Ecuador durante el gobierno de Alianza PAIS cuando ejercía la presidencia Rafael Correa, (2007-2017). La pregunta de investigación es la medida en la cual, cómo y por qué el desplazamiento desde el neoliberalismo hacia la izquierda pudo afectar los principales repertorios de estrategias del movimiento indígena. Desde un enfoque de economía política y de las teorías de los movimientos sociales y considerando los cambios en el balance de poder entre el movimiento indígena y el Estado, el artículo se enfoca en las estrategias de oposición de los indígenas y en la actitud ambivalente del Estado respecto a la democracia participativa y a los derechos de los pueblos indígenas. En contraste con los años neoliberales (1990s) que fueron considerados los de mayor influencia de la lucha indígena, examinamos las estrategias contemporáneas del movimiento en medio de las nuevas circunstancias políticas caracterizadas por el hiper-presidencialismo y un sistemático esfuerzo de descorporativización del Estado. Un hallazgo central del trabajo es que, aunque conserva la potencia de su poderosa red organizativa, que le permite reactivarse en coyunturas críticas, el movimiento indígena se debilitó en comparación con los años 1990. Este declive relativo se manifiesta en tres campos: la relación entre los líderes y las bases (capacidad de movilización); la relación entre el movimiento y sus aliados (la política de alianzas); y la relación entre el movimiento y el terreno institucional del Estado (participación institucional).
This article analyses the contentious liaisons between the indigenous movement and the state in Ecuador during the government of Alianza PAIS under the presidency of Rafael Correa (2007-2017). The research question examines to which measure, how and why the shift from neoliberal to leftist administrations could have affected the principal strategic repertoire of the indigenous movement. Leaning on a political economy approach and social movement theorizing, and accentuating the relative power balance between the indigenous movement and the state, it focuses on indigenous oppositional strategies and the ambivalent attitude of the state regarding participatory democracy and the rights of the indigenous peoples. By contrasting this period with the neoliberal 1990s – considered the heyday of the indigenous struggle – we examine contemporary strategic responses of the movement amidst the new political setting characterized by hyper-presidentialism and a systematic effort to de-corporatize the state. A central finding is that, while retaining its powerful organizational network which could be reactivated during critical situations, the indigenous movement weakened in relation to the 1990s. This relative decline is manifested in three types of social movement relationships: between leaders and grassroots (mobilizing capacity); between the movement and its alliance partners (alliance politics); and between the movement and the legal institutional terrain of the state (institutional participation). ; Este artículo analiza las relaciones conflictivas entre el movimiento indígena y el Estado en Ecuador durante el gobierno de Alianza PAIS cuando ejercía la presidencia Rafael Correa, (2007-2017). La pregunta de investigación es la medida en la cual, cómo y por qué el desplazamiento desde el neoliberalismo hacia la izquierda pudo afectar los principales repertorios de estrategias del movimiento indígena. Desde un enfoque de economía política y de las teorías de los movimientos sociales y considerando los cambios en el balance de poder entre el movimiento indígena y el Estado, el artículo se enfoca en las estrategias de oposición de los indígenas y en la actitud ambivalente del Estado respecto a la democracia participativa y a los derechos de los pueblos indígenas. En contraste con los años neoliberales (1990s) que fueron considerados los de mayor influencia de la lucha indígena, examinamos las estrategias contemporáneas del movimiento en medio de las nuevas circunstancias políticas caracterizadas por el hiper-presidencialismo y un sistemático esfuerzo de descorporativización del Estado. Un hallazgo central del trabajo es que, aunque conserva la potencia de su poderosa red organizativa, que le permite reactivarse en coyunturas críticas, el movimiento indígena se debilitó en comparación con los años 1990. Este declive relativo se manifiesta en tres campos: la relación entre los líderes y las bases (capacidad de movilización); la relación entre el movimiento y sus aliados (la política de alianzas); y la relación entre el movimiento y el terreno institucional del Estado (participación institucional).
Built on the theories about talent competition between rent-seeking and entrepreneurship, and the theories about constitutional environment and rent-seeking, this dissertation explores empirically the effects of a country's constitutional settings on entrepreneurship, in terms of the quantity of entrepreneurs and the quality of their performance. Both the de facto and de jure constitutional environments are studied. In particular, with respect to the de facto constitutional environment, I considered the property rights protection, decentralization, and the factors suggested by the "selectorate theory". In relation to the de jure constitutional environment, I focused on six aspects including electoral rules, form of government, federalism, property rights protection, judicial independence and antidiscrimination provisions. Three indexes were constructed to measure the de jure property rights protection, judicial independence and antidiscrimination provisions, using the data set provided by the Comparative Constitution Project.The empirical study first shows that the quantity of entrepreneurs is inversely correlated with the quality of entrepreneurship in a country. If entrepreneurship does serve as the engine of economic growth, it is perhaps the quality, rather than quantity, that matters. This study then demonstrates that the de facto property rights protection is associated negatively with the quantity of entrepreneurs, but positively with the quality of entrepreneurship. The effects of the two key factors of the selectorate theory, the size of the winning coalition and the ratio of this size to the size of the selectorate, also appear to be compatible with what the theory is to predict. On the other hand, neither fiscal nor political decentralization is found to significantly affect entrepreneurship. Among the de jure constitutional features, two have significant influence on entrepreneurship. First, the constitutional design of judicial independence has a negative effect on the quantity of entrepreneurs, but a positive one on the quality of their performance. Second, majoritarian electoral rules, compared with non-majoritarian rules, have a negative effect on the quality of entrepreneurship. In contrast, the presumed effects of the other three formal constitutional attributes, federalism, presidentialism and property rights protection, cannot be ascertained.Apart from the cross-country study, I also conducted a detailed research on China. Entrepreneurship in China is a case of entrepreneurial development in an authoritarian state lack of secure property rights and the rule of law, hence afflicted with profuse rent-seeking activities. Under these circumstances, entrepreneurship hinges on both the rent-seeking and the entrepreneurial abilities. Drawing on the private enterprise surveys, I found that, in China, the politically connected were systematically advantaged in terms of bank finance, entry to regulated industries and judicial treatment, when they plunged into the business world. The Chinese case also indicates that, when entrepreneurs cannot trust the commitment made by the state in the constitution, they will be eager to scoop profits as soon as possible and exit swiftly with accumulated wealth.Finally, this dissertation concludes by suggesting that a healthy development of entrepreneurship should be sustainable rather than aiming merely at quick money and instant success. It should allow all talented people to reach their full potentials, rather than keep the politically disconnected away from resources needed to make the best use of their potentials. Above all, it wants a constitutional environment with reliable property rights and equal access to opportunities, neither of which is seen in today's China.
The article focuses on the obstacles to legal immigration imposed by the Trump administration against those who are already in the US pursuant to their valid non-immigrant classification and those who are abroad and trying to reunite with family members in the US or seeking entry having a legitimate job offer from a US employer. Recent changes in US immigration policy have been achieved through restrictive interpretation and enforcement of existing law by the USCIS which is part of the Department of Homeland Security, and by the State Department (DOS) rather than by substantive legislative changes done in Congress. The article provides an overview of the most recent governmental restrictions affecting so called "business immigration" and family-based immigrant processing, and also restrictions on suspension of entry to the US due to Covid-19, introduced through presidential proclamations. Although the federal courts blocked several of these administrative initiatives, the anti-immigrant atmosphere is having a big negative impact on many groups of foreign nationals. Nationalistic notions of "making America great again" that should be accomplished through "buy American and hire American" principle, and legal uncertainty causing ongoing federal lawsuits will undoubtedly lead to America's further isolationism if President Trump wins the November 2020 election. ; aludwikowsk@law.gwu.edu ; Anna M. Ludwikowski – PhD in Constitutional Law, Adjunct Professor teaching Immigration Law at The George Washington University Law School, An immigration attorney at Partovi Law LLC in Vienna, Virginia. ; The George Washington University Law School, United States of America ; Alvarez, Priscilla, Judge orders Trump administration to accept new DACA applications, CNN, July 17, 2020, https://www.cnn.com/2020/07/17/politics/daca-trump-judge/index.html. ; Chin, Monica, Seventeen states sue Trump administration over new students visa guidelines, "The Verge", July 13, 2020, https://www.theverge.com/2020/7/13/21322780/ice-lawsuit-states-universities-international-students-visa-pandemic-trump. ; DeChalus, Camila, Trump admin must accept new DACA applications, court rules, "Roll Call", July 17, 2020, https://www.rollcall.com/2020/07/17/trump-administration-must-accept-new-daca-applications-court-rules/. ; Dellon, Leslie, USCIS consistently denies H-1B petitions. 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