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Octavius Augustus' reformatory work covered all scopes of the administration and government. To make that enormous transformation possible it was also necessary to introduce changes in the tax system. ; La obra reformadora de Octavio Augusto abarcó todos los ámbitos de la administración y gobierno. Para hacer posible toda esa ingente transformación era necesario también introducir cambios en el sistema fiscal.

Humor ist ein schwer fassbares Phänomen: Obwohl universell, ist er jeweils stark kulturell geprägt und daher in der Rückschau keineswegs immer leicht zu erkennen. Der vorliegende Beitrag möchte die Funktion von Humor in der politischen Kommunikation im frühen Principat genauer untersuchen. Ausgangspunkt ist die doppelbödige Kommunikation, die sich aus der Gleichzeitigkeit von Republik und Monarchie ergab. Vergleicht man diese kommunikative Situation mit modernen Theorien zu Humor und Komik, so zeigt sich, dass genau in dieser Doppelbödigkeit ein latentes humoristisches Potential lag. In der historischen Rückschau konnte daher bereits in der Antike Komik dort gesehen werden, wo ursprünglich gar keine intendiert war. Doch in der politischen Praxis musste die Realisierung des komischen Potentials, welches das System barg, zwingend vermieden werden, da die für das System lebensnotwendige Doppelbödigkeit im Lachen verloren gegangen wäre. Gelacht werden konnte nur über scheinbar banale Dinge, doch gerade ein solches Lachen konnte systemstabilisierend sein, wie abschließend anhand der Rede des Claudius über das ius honorum der Gallier gezeigt wird. ; Although humour is a universal phenomenon, it is always embedded in culture and thus rather hard to spot in historical hindsight: It is not always easy to decide, what was deemed funny in the past, whether something was considered ironic or serious. The article analyzes the function of humour in the political communication of the early principate. Because Rome was not an open monarchy, but rather a monarchy that disguised itself as a continuation of the old republic, as I argue, the communication between emperor and senate was ambiguous: both parties acted as though the republic still existed while being fully aware that the actual power lay in the hands of the emperor. If we compare this form of communication with modern theories of humour, it becomes evident that this ambiguity has latent, comic potential. In historical hindsight – already in antiquity – it was thus quite easy to view scenes as comic or ironic that were not originally intended to be so. In political practice, however, it was vital that the system's comic potential was not realised, for when seen as a joke, the ambiguous communication would have collapsed immediately and with it the plausibility of the parallel existence of monarchy and republic. Laughter was thus possible only over seemingly banal things, but it was exactly this sort of laughter that could help stabilize the ambiguous communication, as can be shown with the famous speech of Claudius on the ius honorum of the Gauls. ; Peer Reviewed

From my study of the annona, I propose a new perspective on the transition between the Republic and the Principate. Each of the big three imperial historians account for the Principate in terms of personal politics and preferences of the "great man" Augustus (Div. Aug. 28; Rom. His. 52.1; Ann. 1.2). By contrast, I argue that the Principate represents the long-term political result of growing social inequality in Rome. From an equalitarian society of yodel-men farmers and shepherds in the 2nd BCE, Rome had evolved into an unequal society by the 2nd CE, where the top 11.15% controlled an estimated 40% of the national income.[1] As income inequality arose, the competition between rich and poor, the optimates and populares, over the bounty of the Empire paralyzed the politics of the Roman Republic. In the deadlock of the late Republic, the Senate proved unwilling or unable to respond to the new needs of Rome and its extensive empire. Deadlock devolved into deadly civil war. To rebuild the Roman state from its ruin, Augustus and his successors created the Principate and its governance institutions on the basis of "Republican" precedent. Since Augustus could not equalize the distribution of wealth and power between the Emperor and his Senators, the Principate proved provisional. [1]Scheidel and Friesen 2009: 62.

The Social War (90-88 BCE) was perhaps the most destructive conflict to occur in Italy besides Hannibal's invasion one hundred years earlier. H. Mouritsen has criticized scholarship about the Social War for reproducing an understanding of the reasons and results of that war constructed from a nineteenth-century nationalist perspective, and for accepting uncritically the narrative of the first-century CE historian Appian, the only intact narrative of the war to survive from antiquity. I attempt to address these critiques by employing twenty-first-century models of nations and nation-state formation as comparative material for the political and social changes that occurred in Italy during and after the Social War, and make an argument that the foundation narratives of the second half of the first century BCE can provide evidence for contemporary ideas about Rome's Italian allies and their place in Rome's government and empire. This dissertation is divided into two parts of two chapters each. The first part discusses the idea of "Italy" and its development over time, both geographically and politically, and introduces Kymlicka's model of the nation-building state as a comparative model to judge Roman Italy against. I support this comparative model with Smith's criticisms of "modernist" nationalist thought, i.e. the position that the nation is inherently modern. The second part consists of a reading of three foundation narratives, those of Cicero, Livy, and Ovid. I read these foundation narratives as justifications of their contemporary political circumstances. I also examine the poetry of Propertius, and argue that Propertius does not portray a regional, Umbrian identity as an alternative to a Roman or Italian identity. I conclude that the nation-building institutions of Roman Italy reached their developed forms during the rule of Augustus, that Italian identity formed in this same period, and that the three foundation narratives are evidence for that Italian identity in a developmental phase.

Cassius Dio's account of Caligula's principate pivots on the divide between Caligula's 'democratic' debut and his later decline into despotism. As Dio reports, the murder of the emperor in 41 CE polarised the Senate on the question of whether to abolish the Principate or to confirm it. It is likely that Dio's interest in such a crucial passage depends on his own experience of the end of Commodus and the accession of Pertinax in 192-193 CE. The underpinning of his political thought is Stoic: when the relationship between the princeps and the Senate collapses, the solution is not so much 'republicanism' as a 'republican spirit', to be intended as a fruitful cooperation between the two.

International audience ; With the advent of the Augustan Principate in 27 B.C., the equestrian and senatorial orders are rebuilding after civil wars which have decimated them. Roman elites, providing the essential of the army officers, disappeared entirely for the majority. Therefore, Augustus decides to use new recruitment bases to fill gap orders. He chooses as integration vector the military tribune. As part of research on the « hierarchy and ranking », we propose to analyze the recruitment of military tribune. The whole study is based on epigraphic data. ; Avec l'avènement du Principat d'Auguste en 27 av. J.-C., les ordres équestre et sénatorial se reconstituent après des guerres civiles qui les ont décimés. Les élites de Rome, fournissant l'essentiel des officiers de l'armée, ont en grande partie disparu avec leurs lignées. Dès lors, Auguste décide de s'appuyer sur des nouvelles bases de recrutement pour combler ces vides. Il choisit comme vecteur d'intégration aux ordres le tribunat militaire. Dans le cadre des recherches sur la « hiérarchie et la hiérarchisation », nous proposons d'analyser le recrutement du tribunat militaire. L'ensemble de cette étude repose sur des données épigraphiques.

L'étude du vocabulaire afférent aux marais et marécages chez les historiens latins de la République romaine et du Principat montre que les termes que ces auteurs utilisent servent à préciser le cadre dans lequel se déroulent certains événements, essentiellement militaires. Le choix de ces vocables est en partie subordonné au fait que l'histoire à Rome n'est pas une science mais un genre littéraire, le plus souvent au service d'une idéologie ou d'une volonté de propagande. Elle servit de modèle à la fin de la République et sous le Principat ; The study of the vocabulary pertaining to marshes and swamps among the Latin historians of the Roman Republic and of the Principatus shows that the terms used by these authors help to specify the environment of certain events – essentially military ones. The choice of these words is partly subject to the fact that in Rome, history is not a science, but a literary genre, most often at the service of an ideology or a desire for propaganda ; pp. 119-138

The study of the vocabulary pertaining to marshes and swamps among the Latin historians of the Roman Republic and of the Principatus shows that the terms used by these authors help to specify the environment of certain events – essentially military ones. The choice of these words is partly subject to the fact that in Rome, history is not a science, but a literary genre, most often at the service of an ideology or (a desire for) propaganda. ; L'étude du vocabulaire afférent aux marais et marécages chez les historiens latins de la République romaine et du Principat montre que les termes que ces auteurs utilisent servent à préciser le cadre dans lequel se déroulent certains événements, essentiellement militaires. Le choix de ces vocables est en partie subordonné au fait que l'histoire à Rome n'est pas une science mais un genre littéraire, le plus souvent au service d'une idéologie ou d'une volonté de propagande.

International audience ; L'exemplum était un instrument essentiel de la construction antique des normes sociales. Par la réduction sémantique des épisodes, il ramenait des comportements à des traits exemplaires et permettair par la mise en série des grands hommes, la construction d'un système de références éthiques et politiques. L'ouvrage de Valère Maxime s'inscrivait ainsi dans un ensemble de recueils comparables, contemporains de la fin de la République et du début de l'Empire qui structuraient le code des valeurs aristocratiques.

International audience ; L'exemplum était un instrument essentiel de la construction antique des normes sociales. Par la réduction sémantique des épisodes, il ramenait des comportements à des traits exemplaires et permettair par la mise en série des grands hommes, la construction d'un système de références éthiques et politiques. L'ouvrage de Valère Maxime s'inscrivait ainsi dans un ensemble de recueils comparables, contemporains de la fin de la République et du début de l'Empire qui structuraient le code des valeurs aristocratiques.

International audience ; L'exemplum était un instrument essentiel de la construction antique des normes sociales. Par la réduction sémantique des épisodes, il ramenait des comportements à des traits exemplaires et permettair par la mise en série des grands hommes, la construction d'un système de références éthiques et politiques. L'ouvrage de Valère Maxime s'inscrivait ainsi dans un ensemble de recueils comparables, contemporains de la fin de la République et du début de l'Empire qui structuraient le code des valeurs aristocratiques.

International audience ; L'exemplum était un instrument essentiel de la construction antique des normes sociales. Par la réduction sémantique des épisodes, il ramenait des comportements à des traits exemplaires et permettair par la mise en série des grands hommes, la construction d'un système de références éthiques et politiques. L'ouvrage de Valère Maxime s'inscrivait ainsi dans un ensemble de recueils comparables, contemporains de la fin de la République et du début de l'Empire qui structuraient le code des valeurs aristocratiques.

Coloquio sobre "L'impôt dans les villes de l'Occident méditerranéen (XIIIe-XVe siècle), celebrado en Paris en octubre de 2001. ; El principal objetivo de este trabajo es identificar y dar carta de naturaleza en el marco de la fiscalidad real al impuesto resultante de la conmutación del servicio militar general implícito en el "usatge" PN. Se profundiza en el estudio de este impuesto con una incidencia importante en las finanzas de los municipios catalanes durante la segunda mitad del siglo XIV. ; Peer reviewed

The article deals with the formation of historical memory in the era of the Augustan Principate. It is shown that for the first time in the history of antiquity literature is consciously and thoughtfully used as a means of official ideology. It demonstrates the reflection of the events of the historical era by Virgil, a contemporary and participant of which he was. It is concluded that the use of high art tools for political propaganda is connected with the formation of images of the past in the historical consciousness of society. For citation: Kotova, A. V. (2020). «Eneida» Vergiliya v politike i kul'ture epokhi printsipata Avgusta [Virgil's "Aeneid" in Politics and Culture of the Augustan Principate]. Tempus et Memoria, 1, 1–2, 97–102.Submitted: 31.08.2020Accepted: 30.10.2020 ; DOI 10.15826/tetm.2020.1-2.011В статье рассматривается вопрос формирования исторической памяти в эпоху принципата Августа. Показано, что впервые в истории Античности литература сознательно и продуманно используется как средство официальной идеологии. Демонстрируется отражение событий исторической эпохи Вергилием, современником и участником которой он был. Делается вывод о связи использования средств высокого искусства в целях политической пропаганды с формированием образов прошлого в историческом сознании общества.Для цитирования: Котова А. В. «Энеида» Вергилия в политике и культуре эпохи принципата Августа // Tempus et Memoria. 2020. Т. 1. № 1–2. С. 97–102.Поступила в редакцию: 31.08.2020Принята к печати: 30.10.2020

Maģistra darbs veltīts līdz šim maz pētītai tēmai – Romas impērijas politiskās sistēmas (principāta) transformācijai imperatora Nervas valdīšanas laikā (m.ē. 96. - 98.g.). Kā zināms, Nervas valdīšana ievadīja t.s. "piecu labo imperatoru periodu" (m.ē. 96. - 180.g.), kam bija raksturīga efektīva pārvaldes sistēmas funkcionēšana, iekšpolitiskā stabilitāte un harmonija valdnieku un elites attiecībās. Tātad tieši 96. - 98. gadā principāta sistēmas evolūcijā notika lūzumus, kas ļāva pārvarēt I gs. galvenās politiskās un ideoloģiskās pretrunas. Šajā pētījumā ir izanalizēti konkrētā lūzuma priekšnosacījumi, būtība, kā arī loma tālākajā principāta attīstībā. ; The master work is dedicated to the insufficiently explored theme of transformation of the system of the principate during the reign of the emperor Nerva (A.D. 96 - 98). It's well known that the reign of Nerva initiated the "Age of the Five Good Emperors" (A.D. 96 - 180), characterized by an effectively functioning of public administration, political stability and a harmonious relationship between rulers and elite. The years of 96 - 98 thus stand out as a turning point of the evolution of the system of the principate, which helped to solve the main political and ideological problems of the 1st century. The work provides an analysis of this turning point, its preconditions, nature and role in the further development of the principate.