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Thesis in two volumes ; Defence date: 9 December 2014 ; Examining Board/Membres du jury: Madame le Professeur Antonella Romano, EHESS - Centre Alexandre Koyré, Directrice de thèse à l'European University Institute; Monsieur le Professeur Jean-Louis Fournel, Université Paris 8 Saint-Denis, co-directeur externe; Monsieur le Professeur Luca Molà, European University Institute, second lecteur; Monsieur le Professeur Edward Muir, Northwestern University, Chicago; Monsieur le Professeur Romain Descendre, École Normale Supérieure, Lyon. ; How did republican thought revive in Florence at the time of the rise to power of the Medici family and all along the establishment of the Grand Duchy in Tuscany during the XVIth century ? Although the Republic crumbled in 1530, Florentine republican thought managed to survive, sometimes through unexpected channels. Considering the case of Donato Giannotti (1492-1572), usually presented as the last representative of Florentine republicanism, the question of the revival of republican thought can be addressed anew. This dissertation is an attempt to shed new light on the History of Florentine republican thought by adopting a biographical approach that focuses on the circumstances surrounding the redaction, diffusion and publication of Giannotti's two main texts, the dialogue Della Republica de' Vinitiani and the treaty Della Republica fiorentina. While these writings have been studied in the framework of Intellectual History and History of Political Thought, my research proposes an alternative reading which investigates the material history of the texts. It reveals the exchanges of information that shaped the writing process and it emphasizes the transmission of Giannotti's books (be they manuscript or printed books). Contrary to the idea that the collapse of the last Republic sealed the end of Florentine republican thought, my research highlights the circulation of republican knowledge outside Tuscany, in the period of Medicean domination. Accordingly, I argue that its survival rested on the circulation of republican texts across the italian peninsula and Europe, thus inviting researchers not only to adopt new methodological tools, but also to enlarge the geographical and chronological scale in order to apprehend the republican history of Florence. Hence, this biography of Donato Giannotti, written through the prism of his two main political texts, is an invitation to explore the connections between communication and politics widely conceived – so widely, indeed, that it seeks to think in different terms how a republican thinker in exile could act in order to restore the libertas in Florence. ; Bien qu'à Florence le dernier gouvernement républicain s'effondre en 1530, la pensée républicaine florentine continue à se déployer tout au long du XVIe siècle. L'ascension au pouvoir de la famille des Médicis et la construction de l'état territorial dans le grand-duché de Toscane, ne provoquent en aucun cas l'effacement de cette pensée politique qui apparaît désormais, dans le contexte du principat médicéen, comme un anachronisme. Reste, cependant, à comprendre les modalités de sa production et de sa diffusion. L'étude de Donato Giannotti (1492-1572), considéré comme le dernier représentant du républicanisme florentin, permet d'apporter un nouvel éclairage sur cette question. Cette thèse propose une lecture renouvelée de l'histoire de la pensée républicaine florentine en empruntant une approche biographique centrée, non pas sur la vie de l'auteur, mais sur la vie des deux principaux textes de Giannotti, le dialogue Della Republica de' Vinitiani et le traité Della Republica fiorentina. Tandis que ces écrits ont été principalement étudiés au sein de l'histoire des idées et de la pensée politique, mon travail propose un nouveau cadre de réflexion en partant d'une histoire matérielle des textes, qui privilégie l'histoire de leur rédaction, de leur diffusion manuscrite et, s'il y a lieu, de leur publication. Contrairement à l'idée selon laquelle l'oeuvre de Giannotti illustre le crépuscule d'un présumé « républicanisme », mes recherches démontrent combien la communication de l'information politique et la circulation des textes, à l'échelle de la péninsule italienne, voire de l'Europe, garantissent la survie de cette pensée politique et engagent une reconfiguration de la résistance républicaine. Cette thèse se présente, dès lors, comme une invitation à recourir à des outils méthodologiques demeurés jusqu'à présent en marge de l'histoire politique, afin d'inscrire l'histoire républicaine de Florence dans un espace-temps dilaté qui excède le cadre généralement admis pour son analyse. Cette biographie de Giannotti, écrite au prisme de ses deux principaux textes, rend ainsi compte de l'articulation étroite qui existe entre l'histoire politique et l'histoire de la communication, une perspective qui suggère d'interroger à nouveaux frais les dispositifs mis en oeuvre par cet exilé républicain afin de restaurer la libertas à Florence.

The first chapter examines the role played by the litter (lectica) and sedan chair (sella) in Roman literature and culture. The portrait of the wealthy freedman, lounging in his deluxe octaphoros (litter carried by eight imported slaves), is one which appears repeatedly, taking shape in the late Republic and reaching a climax of frequency in the satires of Juvenal and the epigrams of Martial, in the late first century CE. While by this stage the conveyance undeniably functions as a satirical symbol, the origins and constructedness of its role as such have been surprisingly under-examined by modern scholars. In order to excavate the litter's developing identity, I first unravel Roman accounts of the vehicle's origins. The lectica was repeatedly framed by Roman authors such as Cicero as an exotic import from the near east (Bithynia, in particular), only available to Romans upon their exposure, through the process of imperial expansion, to eastern softness. However, such a projection involved carefully distinguishing this "decadent" litter from already existing, sanctioned litter use: thus the lectica also encompasses a category closer to our "stretcher." Indeed, the litter's status as a newfangled import is belied by coexisting narratives of republican-era patriarchs riding in the lectica, usually because of injury, old age, or disability. At the same time, there are numerous accounts of able-bodied Roman commanders who take the field in a lectica. That the notion of the litter as a stand-in for decadent luxury was still up for negotiation in the late Republic is demonstrated by Cicero, who could at one moment lambaste his juridical or political opponents for employing the litter, and at the next boast of his latest litter acquisition or invite his friends on a litter joy-ride at his villa. I argue that the litter's repeated configuration as an awkward boundary-crosser, constantly out of place whether in public or in private, contributes to the strengthening of dominant categories.Chapter Two treats the more central image of the chariot (currus) in Roman literature and culture. The Roman chariot was a symbol of unique power and prestige in part because of built-in, inherited features: its role as the vehicle of the Homeric battlefield, as the preferred mode of transport for divinities and celestial bodies, as the metapoetic chariot of song of Greek lyric, and as a Platonic metaphor for the soul's constitution. While the complex reception of these individual and often overlapping strands in Roman poetry has been extensively examined, less studied is their intersection with the more distinctively Roman uses to which the chariot was put. In fact, the resonances of the four-horse currus triumphalis, in which generals rode during the triumphal procession, and the circus chariot, the breakneck-fast racing vehicle of the Roman circus, are frequently far more vital to understanding the function of the chariot in Roman literature. Starting from the assumption that the opposition between the two is central to understanding the Roman concept of currus, I explore how, on the one hand, literary chariots constantly invoke the transcendent power of the triumphal chariot, and yet, with increasing frequency, are represented as suffering terrible crashes. I read this obsessive fetishization of chariot crashes, which reaches a peak by the late first century CE, as attesting to an underlying anxiety about matters of imperial succession and expansion, and, at the same time, a willful articulation of a collective desire on the part of Romans to witness the collapse of the princeps. A counterpoint to Rome's most central vehicle is the essedum, of which I offer an account as a postscript to the second chapter. This war-chariot of the Britons, first encountered and described by Caesar during his British expedition, was subsequently appropriated as an exotic and fashionable means of getting around Rome and its environs. As the vehicle's original associations fade through time, the conveyance becomes increasingly normalized for quick trips and even seems to have become a kind of light stage-coach for long-distance journeys. Nevertheless, as I argue, the essedum's lingering identity as mobile spoils of war available for leisure use by elites allowed the vehicle to function as a safe, subordinate alternative to the pinnacle achievement represented by the triumph. The third and final chapter explores the cultural significance of the carpentum and its prestigious relative, the pilentum, two special carriages sanctioned for use by Roman matrons, but nearly always portrayed as problematic or else dangerous. Through an examination of several stories involving the carpentum--most importantly that of Tullia, who famously drove over the corpse of her father, King Servius, in the carriage--I show how this conveyance served to focalize Roman patriarchal anxieties surrounding women's conflicting loyalties as daughters and wives. Next, I analyze accounts of the prohibition of women's privilege of using the carpenta, the attempts of moralizing senators such as Cato the Elder to oppose the repeal of this ban, and the dramatic protest of the women themselves. I demonstrate how its occasional, but conspicuous use by men was represented as effeminizing, and I trace the recurring theme of hybridity in its depictions. I conclude by arguing that, rather than being exclusively about Roman attitudes towards women's mobility, the representations of the carpentum reveal an underlying crisis of individual agency in the late Republic and early Principate, for which vehicular transport--and the carpentum especially--functioned as a most powerful metaphor.

Questa tesi si propone di affrontare alcune specifiche questioni riguardanti il ius militare, ovvero quello specifico ius singulare, che, a partire da Augusto, disciplinò le esistenze dei soldati e dei veterani dell'esercito romano. Nello specifico, l'indagine si concentra unicamente sulle norme regolanti la condizione di milites e veterani nell'età del Principato. La ricerca si divide in quattro parti. Nella prima si propone una breve descrizione della storia istituzionale dell'esercito, a partire dalla riforma di Caio Mario fino agli interventi di Augusto in ambito militare. Con riguardo alla riforma militare augustea ci si è soffermati, innanzitutto, sull'istituzione del servizio militare professionale e, in secondo luogo, sull'istituzione dei premi di congedo (i cosiddetti praemia militiae) e dell'aerarium militare (ovvero della cassa specificamente preposta al pagamento dei praemia). Nella seconda parte si prendono in esame le norme che disciplinavano il procedimento di reclutamento e le condizioni di accesso ai differenti corpi dell'esercito, vale a dire le legioni, le truppe ausiliarie, le coorti pretorie e urbane, le coorti dei vigiles, gli equites singulares Augusti e le flotte pretorie e provinciali. Oltre ai requisiti fisici e a quelli giuridici, previsti per accedere a tali corpi, si è approfondito lo studio dello status civitatis attribuito ai milites di alcuni reparti (segnatamente i classiarii delle flotte pretorie e gli equites singulares Augusti), al momento della loro iscrizione nei ranghi dell'unità. La terza parte approfondisce un tema molto controverso, quello del divieto di matrimonio dei militari. Dopo un'analisi approfondita delle differenti opinioni formulate su questo problema, la mia tesi si rivolge ad alcuni nodi mai sciolti dagli studiosi, chiarendo che esso, certamente introdotto prima di Claudio, fu revocato soltanto da Settimio Severo nel 197. L'indagine ha poi affrontato due questioni tra loro connesse: da un canto la natura giuridica delle unioni che i soldati intrattenevano con le donne conosciute durante la ferma, dall'altro la condizione dei figli concepiti in tali relazioni. Quanto a quest'ultimo aspetto mi sono soffermato in particolar modo sui contenuti della nota epistula di Adriano a Ramnius Martialis, la quale concesse ai figli dei soldati di alcuni reparti (in particolare a quelli dei legionari) la bonorum possessio unde cognati. Nella quarta e ultima parte si affronta il tema dei privilegi concessi con il congedo ai veterani e alle loro famiglie. L'indagine si incentra sull'esame dei formulari dei diplomata militaria, ovvero di quei documenti consegnati, al momento dell'honesta missio (congedo onorevole), agli auxiliares, ai classiarii delle flotte pretorie e provinciali, ai pretoriani, agli urbaniciani e agli equites singulares Augusti. L'esame del loro formulario ha permesso di definire la specifica condizione giuridica dei veterani di questi differenti reparti dell'esercito. Lo studio dei diplomata propone, inoltre, altre spinose questioni: occorre comprendere, in primo luogo, perché essi, salvo alcuni casi eccezionali, non furono mai consegnati ai veterani delle iustae legiones. La tesi si chiude con un'indagine sulla natura giuridica delle cosiddette leges veteranorum, vale a dire quelle constitutiones poste a fondamento del rilascio dei singoli diplomi. A tal riguardo l'indagine tenta di individuare le ragioni per le quali le leges veteranorum concernenti gli ausiliari, i classiarii e gli equites singulares Augusti, si differenziavano, anche sul piano diplomatico, da quelle dei pretoriani e degli urbaniciani. ; This dissertation aims to deal with some particular questions about ius militare, namely the specific ius singulare, which regulated the condition of Roman soldiers and veterans from the age of Augustus. In particular, the study focuses solely on the rules regulating the condition of milites and veterans in the period of the Roman Principate. The research is divided into four parts. In the first part there is a short description of the institutional history of the Roman army, from the reform of Caius Marius up to the interventions of Augustus in military affairs. With regard to the Augustan military reform, I have concentrated first on the creation of the professional military service and, secondly, on the foundation of the awards of discharge (the so-called praemia militiae) and of the aerarium militare (namely the treasury that would specifically finance the praemia). In the second part, I examine the rules pertaining to the procedure of recruitment and the conditions of access to the different units of the Roman army, namely the legions, the auxiliary units, the Praetorian Guard, the urban cohorts, the vigiles, the equites singulares Augusti, and the praetorian and provincial classes. In addition to the physical and legal requirements, necessary for access to these units, I examine in depth the status civitatis that was conferred to the milites of some units (in particular the classiarii of praetorian classes and the equites singulares Augusti), at the moment of their enrolment in the military. The third part examines a very controversial issue, namely the marriage ban for the soldiers. Following a detailed examination of the different opinions on this question, my dissertation investigates some complex issues which are still to be resolved, clarifying that the ban, certainly introduced befor Claudius, was withdrawn only by Septimius Severus in 197 AD. Furthermore, the research deals with two other related matters: namely, the legal status of the relationships maintained by the soldiers with the women that they met during the service, and, the condition of the children conceived in these relationships. As far as the latter is concerned, I particularly concentrate on the content of the well-known epistula of Hadrian to Ramnius Martialis, which conferred to the children of some milites (in particular those of the legionaries) the bonorum possessio unde cognati. In the fourth and last part, I examine the issue of the privileges conferred to the veterans and their families upon discharge. The research focuses on the analysis of the formularies of diplomata militaria, namely the documents delivered upon the honesta missio (the honorable discharge) to the auxiliares, to the classiarii of the praetorian and provincial fleet, to the praetorians, to the urbaniciani and to the equites singulares Augusti. The examination of their formularies has allowed us to clarify the specific legal condition of the veterans from these different military units. Furthermore, the study on diplomata proposes other thorny questions: firstly it must be understood why they, apart from some exceptional cases, were never delivered to the veterans of iustae legiones. The dissertation ends with a research on the legal nature of the so-called leges veteranorum, namely the constitutiones on the basis of the delivery of each diploma. In this regard, the study attempts to identify the reason why the leges veteranorum concerning the auxiliaries, the classiarii, and the equites singulares Augusti, are different from those of the praetorians and of the urbaniciani, also as regards their diplomatic structure.

La Seu d'Urgell és una població que s'inclou en una determinada formació social, Catalunya, els grups dirigents de la qual no tenen un Estat propi, ja que el Principat només era una regió perifèrica on el liberalisme havia impulsat un procés, no reeixit, de nacionalització espanyola. A més, la ciutat urgel·litana formava part d'allò que hom ha anomenat tradicionalment com la "Catalunya pobra", de base aclaparadorament agrària i ramadera, aliena als gran canvis derivats de la industrialització general del país durant bona part del segle XIX. Finalment, com a capital comarcal, la Seu d'Urgell és també representativa d'una determinada Catalunya, la pirinenca, que presencià un notable arrelament del liberalisme de matriu progressista. Aquest fet configurà una singular tradició política, amb un comportament electoral específic que es traduí en una oposició al cunerisme governamental. Això desmenteix, doncs, els tòpics, fins i tot prejudicis, que s'han bastit entorn de la ciutat, presentada sovint com una imatge de les forces conservadores, àdhuc de la reacció ultramontana. La trajectòria històrica de la Seu d'Urgell permet descobrir alhora un sentiment i una particular interpretació de l'ideari liberal, tot això construït sobre dos pilars bàsics: per un costat, la demanda d'una major autonomia municipal per tal d'encarar els problemes quotidians, un fet força visible, per exemple, durant les conjuntures revolucionàries; d'altre, l'elaboració d'un discurs reivindicatiu, àmpliament compartit per la població, que tenia com a fita la defensa d'una major vertebració i equitat territorial en consonància amb el progrés material que semblava anunciar el desenvolupament capitalista. Aquest discurs, en certa forma, prengué una renovada embranzida quan la Seu d'Urgell fou proposada com a capital d'una hipotètica cinquena província catalana poc després de finalitzada la Primera Guerra Carlista (1833-1840), un reconeixement que hauria de contribuir a superar la marginació de les terres urgel·litanes. En certa forma, l'aposta per l'opció liberal comença a perfilar-se durant la Guerra del Francès (1808-1814), un fet que, malgrat la seva cruesa, va permetre el desvetllament d'unes energies ciutadanes en el moment que la ciutat s'erigí en un focus important de la resistència antinapoleònica en acollir la Junta corregimental. Durant el regnat de Ferran VII (1814-1833), assistim a l'eclosió del nucli liberal local, liderat pel bloc dels lletrats, que, com a homes d'ordre i experts en lleis, tenien responsabilitats municipals i actuaven com a intermediaris d'un Estat que era vist com una realitat llunyana, recaptatòria i repressiva. Paral·lelament, cal destacar el paper de l'Església, sobretot amb el bisbe Josep Caixal i Estradé, impulsor d'una modernitat des de l'antiliberalisme que tingué com a fites la llei de la Nova Reforma de la veïna Andorra i la construcció del nou Seminari conciliar. ; Los principales retos para abordar un estudio como el presente se encuadran en dos niveles complementarios de análisis. Por un lado, la Seu d'Urgell es una población que se incluye en una determinada formación social, Cataluña, cuyos grupos dominantes carecen de un Estado propio, ya que el Principado era solamente una región periférica, un país sucursal de España, donde el liberalismo había iniciado un proceso de nacionalización española que se reveló débil. Además, la ciudad forma parte de las denominadas ""terres de Ponent"", el área leridana por excelencia, que define a grandes rasgos lo que tradicionalmente se ha llamado la ""Catalunya pobra"", de base eminentemente agraria y ganadera y, por lo tanto, ajena a las grandes transformaciones experimentadas por el proceso de la industrialización del país. Por otro lado, como capital comarcal del Alto Urgel, la ciudad también es representativa de una determinada Cataluña, la Cataluña pirenaica, que apenas ha merecido la atención adecuada por parte de la moderna historiografía catalana, la cual presenció un notable arraigo de las opciones políticas progresistas que desmienten el pretendido conservadurismo de la montaña catalana. Así pues, detrás de la complejidad de contenidos que encierra la implantación del liberalismo en Cataluña, el caso aquí estudiado pretende aportar algo más de luz y contribuir al conocimiento de un determinado modelo o significado en la organización política y social a la zona pirenaica. Al mismo tiempo, hemos sido conscientes de la pervivencia de algunos tópicos que han situado propiamente el conocimiento histórico de la Seu d'Urgell en una especie de nebulosidad. Tales tópicos son producto de determinados prejuicios aparecidos en el mismo momento que la Seu d'Urgell se ha visto asociada a una imagen levítica y ultramontana, sobre todo a partir del episodio de la Regencia de Urgel (1822) o de la personalidad del obispo José Caixal Estradé, paradigma de la nueva Cruzada antilberal que asumió sin complejos una parte destacada del clero español y catalán durante el largo pontificado de Pío IX. Los hechos estudiados ponen de manifiesto que el grupo dirigente de la ciudad, liderado por los letrados, apostó por la opción liberal durante la Guerra de la Independencia, cuando la Seu d'Urgell se convirtió en capital corregimental para el bando ""patriota"" en sustitución de la villa de Puigcerdá. Este hecho contribuyó a despertar unas energías ciudadanas que se tradujeron, más adelante, en unas reivindicaciones de mayor autonomia municipal, el anhelo para convertirse en capital de una hipotética quinta provincia catalana y en un comportamiento electoral que abrazó las opciones progresistas (Salvador Maluquer, Josep Ignasi de Llorens) frente a las intromisiones del cunerismo oficial. En el fondo esto encontramos un discurso de ""cambio"" sobre la base de una mayor equidad o vertebración territorial, compatible con el progreso material que parecía inaugurar el desarrollo capitalista. ; La Seu d'Urgell is a population that is included in a certain social formation, Catalonia, whose leading groups lack their own State, since the Principality is only a peripherial region where liberalism had promoted a very limited process of nationalization. In addition, the city was part of the ""poor Catalonia"", predominantly agrarian and livestock-based, where the radical changes of industrialization went rather unnoticed for much of the 19th century. Finally, as a regional capital, la Seu d'Urgell is also representative city of a certain Catalonia, the Pyrenees, which witnessed a notable roots of liberalism with a progressive matrix. This fact determined a singular political tradition, with a specific electoral behavoir, opposed to governmental cunerismo. All this denies, then, the clichés, and even the prejudices, that created a conservative image of the population, even favorable to Carlism. The historical trajectory of the Seu d'Urgell allows us to discover a feeling and a particular interpretation of the liberal ideology on two basic pillars: the demand for greater municipal autonomy and the elaboration of a protest speech in defense of a greater territorial structure and equity. In a way, the commitmend to the liberal option began to be seen during the War of Independence (1808-1814), which allowed the awakening of citizen energies when the city became an active focus anti-Napoleonic resistance, as opposed to Puigcerdà, the old corregimental capital. During the reign of Fernando VII (1814-1833) we witnessed a true emergence of the urban liberal nucleus, headed by a mesocracy led by lawyers. The role of the latter, as men of order, acquires a special role due to the absence of the State with in relation to issue concerning the public interest. On the other hand, we must mention the role of the Church led by Bishop Josep Caixal Estradé, promoting another way of understanding modernity, either by promoting the political reform of neighboring Andorra, or by building a large Council seminary.