We examine whether information about racial discrimination causally affects support for pro-black policies. Using representative samples of Americans, we elicit quantitative and incentivized beliefs about the extent of hiring discrimination against blacks. Relative to Republicans, Democrats think that blacks have to send out 47 percent more resumes than whites to receive a callback. An information treatment substantially narrows Republican–Democrat differences in beliefs, but fails to narrow differences in political behavior. Overall, the results demonstrate that correcting biases in beliefs about the extent of racial discrimination is not sufficient to reduce political polarization in support for pro-black policies.
In a democratic political system, where decisions are made by majority rule, the permanent exclusion of minorities is always a possibility. This raises a crucial question: what psychological mechanisms may allow members of a majority to identify with the political goals of a minority group? One possibility is that they are precisely the same mechanisms responsible for motivating minority members themselves to identify with the minority's political goals. According to the racial attitudes literature, African Americans are motivated by feelings of closeness toward Blacks to support pro‐Black policies. This study investigates the possibility that feelings of closeness toward Blacks may also motivate White Americans to support pro‐Black policies. To circumvent possible social desirability effects often associated with questions of race, feelings of closeness are measured both on the conscious (explicit) and nonconscious (implicit) levels. The implicit closeness measure is based on the idea of "cognitive self‐other overlap" (Aron, Aron, Tudor, & Nelson, 1991) and has previously been used to measure nonconscious feelings of closeness in individual relationships. This study represents an application of this measure to the group level of racial intergroup relations. The study is based on a sample of 555 college students of diverse racial backgrounds. Results of a Granger‐causality test support the construct validity of the implicit closeness measure. Furthermore, explicit and implicit feelings of closeness toward African Americans predict pro‐Black policy support whether White participants are considered alone or together with participants of other backgrounds. Political and methodological implications of these findings are discussed.
Recently the depth and severity of extreme poverty in Nigeria has been alarming. And over the years, the government undertook some macroeconomic policies with the aim of reducing, if not totally eradicating poverty. These policies were expected to at least raise the standard of living of Nigerians. The impact of these policies on alleviating poverty has been contentious. Some studies in the past have argued that the poor has benefited more from these policies while some found that there was positive real growth yet poverty and inequality still worsened. This can be traced to the nature of growth pursued and the macroeconomic policies that underline it. This study empirically evaluates macroeconomic policies vis-?-vis pro-poor growth in Nigeria using secondary data covering the period 1960-2000. The study found among others that economic growth in Nigeria has been slightly pro-poor. This implied that growth was actually weakly pro-poor. Also, those that are far below the poverty line have not really been enjoying the benefits of growth. Infact, the benefits getting to them has been decreasing at an increasing rate. More so, economic growth in rural areas will be slightly more pro-poor than in urban areas. Overall, growth in Nigeria is not necessarily always pro-poor.
AbstractIn this paper we examine productivity trends, drivers of productivity growth and pro‐productivity policies across the G‐20 economies since 1970. While we find distinctly different productivity growth dynamics between G‐20 economies and over time, one common observation is a widely shared slowdown in labour productivity growth since the 2010s underpinned by lower (or even negative) total factor productivity growth. Moreover, the growth in capital per worker hour has also begun to level off. We develop a typology of pro‐productivity policies and argue that policies for investment and technological change need strengthening to support a revival of productivity growth. Such policies should include a balanced approach to stronger technological progress and more rapid diffusion; a strengthening of investment, especially in intangibles and public services; and greater attention for human capital. We also argue for stronger institutions and capabilities that allow for dynamic learning about pro‐productivity policies across countries and over time.
SummaryThe focus of this scoping review was to understand the overall state of research activity related to pro-arrest, pro-charge, and pro-prosecution policies in Canada. The review identified 295 articles, academic (47.5%) and gray literature (52.5%) published between 1983 and 2018 that reported on these policies as a response to domestic violence in Canada.FindingsThe findings acknowledged growing concerns over the ineffectiveness of these policies as a response to domestic violence. In fact, over half of the articles (57.6%) either failed to support these policies or recommended significant revisions; only a small number of articles (1.0%) favored these policies in their current form. Themes related to the effectiveness of these policies included criminalization and public awareness, survivor satisfaction, standardized police response, removal of burden from survivor to charge, and better than nothing. Themes related to the ineffectiveness included disconnect between policy and practice, revictimizes survivors, one-size fits all approach, have not adequately reduced domestic violence in Canada, lack of understanding training and education for all, failure to address structural and systemic factors, lack of trust in the criminal justice system, and success has been difficult to measure.ApplicationsThe deconstruction of these policies in this review points to the need for future research to address identified gaps in the literature and to explore alternatives that serve their intended emancipatory effect.
