Suchergebnisse

Von knapp 90 Prozent (1980/83) auf rund 80 Prozent (1990/94) sank die Wahlbeteiligung bei den Bundestagswahlen und sie fiel bei den Landtagswahlen sogar auf 70 Prozent. Um dieses Phänomen zu reflektieren, begreift der Beitrag Nichtwählen als eine Form des politischen Wahlverhaltens in der postmodernen "Abstimmungsgesellschaft". Das Paradox des "wählenden Nichtwählers" nimmt zu, wenn Demokratieunzufriedenheit, Mißtrauen gegenüber den Parteien, Unzufriedenheit mit der wirtschaftlichen Lage und fehlende Parteiidentifikation zusammentreffen. Weiterhin potenziert die permanente symbolische Darstellung der Politik als talk- und personality-show Entfremdung und Isolation und den Verschleiß des Politischen in der massenmedialen "Stimmungsdemokratie", wie sie im Nichtwählen Ausdruck finden. (pre)

Four hundred and eighteen residents of "Middletown" (Muncie, Indiana) were randomly selected to develop empirical models of factors related to using the abortion issue in selecting a candidate for political ofice, for both pro‐life and pro‐choice people. Regression analysis was used to develop those models. For pro‐life people, social consensus developed within conservative Protestant environments related to abortion‐issue voting. For pro‐choice people, abortion issue‐voting behavior was based more on their political (vs. religious) views and there was less need for group support to do this. Among these pro‐choice advocates as well, young educated women were the most likely to translate their attitude position into a pro‐choice vote. Possible explanations for these results are then presented.

Examines characteristics of those who use abortion as a major factor in selecting a political candidate; based on a survey of 418 voters in Muncie, Indiana.

The battle over abortion in America is seemingly endless. The longstanding nature of the conflict is due in part to the ability of both the "pro-choice" or abortion rights movement and the "pro-life" or antiabortion countermovement to continue to organize support for many years. The pro-choice movement is particularly remarkable in that it has not only survived for more than twenty-five years, but it has grown stronger since achieving its greatest victory, legalization of abortion in 1973.

Examines the relationship between reproductive rights & eugenics in terms of the kind of the decisions that pro-choice groups will have to make with respect to the issue of regulating reproductive technologies & how to distinguish their position from that of neo-eugenicists. The 20th-century history of this relationship is traced, & the idea of "choice feminism" being too close to the ethos of consumer culture is considered in terms of how a "designer baby" is essentially a consumer choice. In this light, the ethics & politics surrounding the "new eugenics" & reproductive technologies are explored. It is contended that pro-choice activists must make clear how the rights they advocate are different from the right to determine the genetic makeup of their offspring; ie, they should fight for the right to control their bodies but not the bodies of their children. It is argued that incorporating concerns about reproductive technology abuse into a pro-choice platform can impel a shift away from the individual-liberties paradigm toward one centered on social justice, move away from a single-issue abortion focus to a more comprehensive one, & foster the building of coalitions with other segments of the left. D. Edelman

The debate over abortion in America is at a standstill. The pro-life and pro-choice groups, having settled firmly on incompatible premises, have nothing to say to one another. Their "debate" is only "a battle of bumper stickers between people with their minds already made up." More importantly, they have nothing to say to all the people in the middle who feel uncomfortable with both positions. If the crux of the abortion issue is choosing between being pro-life and pro-choice, then the undecided citizen who sincerely wants his country to act rightly has the dismal opportunity of deciding whether to be anti-choice or anti-life.

This article looks at the artistic practices of feminist pro-choice artivists in Ireland, in the successful mobilisation for repeal of the Eighth amendment. It focuses in particular on the home|work.collective, who in their performances in public places of The Renunciation - a performed
reading of abortion stories - helped to make people's lived experiences visible at multiple scales: new technology enabled them to 'stretch' the reach of these performances into digital space, and to leverage the opportunities offered by social media for horizontal organising. The Renunciation's
transnational resonance also enabled it to travel to spaces beyond its original performance sites. Through combining political public art and performance with technology, new possibilities emerged for solidarity, visibility and public participation in advancing reproductive rights. Creating
and connecting new spaces of solidarity - 'hybrid spaces' - new possibilities for alliance-making were opened up.