Suchergebnisse

Evaluate the period of military reform unfolded in Peru between 1968 and 1975 is somewhat more complex and precise than just "characterize" the regime, as has been proposed by most of his critics on the left. This is not just about identifying the logical articulation of the social project bearing the Velasco government, beyond the laws or ideological discourse. This task includes additional necessarily hard work at the empirical level of analysis of results of observation of behavior and dynamic relationships. In short, we must move from contemplation of rigid models to follow a living social process, full of contradictions that manifest class interests, ideological projects and institutional behaviors relatively fluid. In this paper about what happened with the peasant organization in the context of a radical agrarian reform as implemented by the military reform, we have considered both the analysis of secondary legal model and the important game of the internal struggle of tendencies within the power. ; Evaluar el período del reformismo militar que se desenvolvió en el Perú entre 1968 y 1975 supone algo más complejo y preciso que "caracterizar" al régimen, como se lo han propuesto la mayoría de sus críticos de izquierda. Esto es, no se trata solamente de identificar la lógica articulatoria del proyecto social que portaba el gobierno de Velasco, más allá de los textos legales o el discurso ideológico. Tal tarea incluye, adicional y necesariamente, un arduo trabajo al nivel empírico de análisis de resultados, de constatación de comportamientos y relaciones dinámicas. En suma, hay que pasar de la contemplación de modelos rígidos al seguimiento de un proceso social vivo, lleno de contradicciones que manifiestan intereses de clase, proyectos ideológicos y conductas institucionales relativamente fluidos. En este trabajo sobre lo ocurrido con la organización campesina en el contexto de una reforma agraria radical como la implementada por el reformismo militar, hemos considerado secundariamente tanto el análisis del modelo legal como el importante juego de la lucha interna de tendencias en el seno del poder.

This research deals with the way of analysing the logic of capital reproduction, as a social relationship, focused on its internationalization. It presents a critical analysis of the most important authors and the political implications of their theories. The goal is to analyze these theoretical approaches to understand them and to contribute to the study of capital reproduction. ; Esta investigación trata de la manera de analizar la lógica de reproducción del capital, como relación social, enfocándola bajo el ángulo de su internacionalización. Se realiza un análisis crítico de los autores más importantes y de las implicaciones políticas de sus teorías. El objetivo es analizar estos enfoques teóricos para entenderlos y contribuir al estudio de la reproducción del capital.

SUMMARY: I. THE DISTRIBUTION OF POWER DETENTED BY THE PREVIOUS UNITARY-CENTRALIZED STATE UNDER THE TENSION CENTRAL SUBJECT-AUTONOMOUS TERRITORIAL SUBJECTS. - II. THE CONSTITUTIONAL TREATMENT OF MUNICIPAL AUTONOMY: 1. THE AMBIGUOUS PRONOUNCEMENT OF ARTICLE 137 AND THE SIGNIFICANT RECOGNITION OF A "GOVERNMENT" AND A LOCAL "ADMINISTRATION" IN ARTICLE 140. THE MISTAKABLE ASSESSMENT OF MUNICIPAL AUTONOMY. 2. THE DETERMINATION OF THE CONTENT OF THE MUNICIPAL AUTONOMY. A CONSTITUTIONAL PROBLEM DEFERRED TO THE ORDINARY LEGISLATOR. THE DOCTRINE ESTABLISHED IN THE JUDGMENTS OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL COURT OF FEBRUARY 2 AND JULY 28, 1981. - III. THE MUNICIPAL AUTONOMY AND THE AUTHENTIC SENSE OF THE "EXCLUSIVE COMPETENCES" OF THE AUTONOMOUS COMMUNITIES: 1. THE ASSUMPTION OF "EXCLUSIVE COMPETENCES" BY THE AUTONOMOUS COMMUNITIES CANNOT INVOLVE THE TRANSFORMATION OF THE MUNICIPALITIES IN GOVERNMENT DESCONS OF THE PROCESS OF RECONSTRUCTION OF LOCAL LIFE. 2. THE INTERRELATION OF LOCAL AND SUPRALOCAL INTEREST AS A CHARACTERISTIC NOTE OF INDUSTRIAL SOCIETIES. THE REPLACEMENT OF THE GUARDIANS REGIME BY THAT OF THE GUARANTEE OF THE RESPECTIVE COLLECTIVE INTEREST. 3. T HE MEANING OF THE CALLS "EXCLUSIVE COMPETENCES" OF THE AUTONOMOUS COMMUNITIES REGARDING THE MUNICIPALITIES. ; SUMARIO: I. LA DISTRIBUCIÓN DEL PODER DETENTADO POR EL ANTERIOR ESTADO UNITARIO-CENTRALIZADO BAJO LA TENSIÓN SUJETO CENTRAL-SUJETOS TERRITORIALES AUTÓNOMOS. — II. EL TRATAMIENTO CONSTITUCIONAL DE LA AUTONOMÍA MUNICIPAL: 1. EL AMBIGUO PRONUNCIAMIENTO DEL ARTÍCULO 137 Y EL SIGNIFICATIVO RECONOCIMIENTO DE UN «GOBIERNO» Y DE UNA «ADMINISTRACIÓN» LOCAL EN EL ARTÍCULO 140. LA EQUÍVOCA VALORACIÓN DE LA AUTONOMÍA MUNICIPAL. 2. LA DETERMINACIÓN DEL CONTENIDO DE LA AUTONOMÍA MUNICIPAL. UN PROBLEMA CONSTITUCIONAL DEFERIDO AL LEGISLADOR ORDINARIO. LA DOCTRINA ESTABLECIDA EN LAS SENTENCIAS DEL TRIBUNAL CONSTITUCIONAL DE 2 DE FEBRERO Y 28 DE JULIO DE 1981. — III. LA AUTONOMÍA MUNICIPAL Y EL AUTENTICO SENTIDO DE LAS «COMPETENCIAS EXCLUSIVAS» DE LAS COMUNIDADES AUTÓNOMAS: 1. LA ASUNCIÓN DE «COMPETENCIAS EXCLUSIVAS» POR PARTE DE LAS COMUNIDADES AUTÓNOMAS NO PUEDE IMPLICAR LA TRANSFORMACIÓN DE LOS MUNICIPIOS EN ÓRGANOS DESCONCENTRADOS DE SUS ADMINISTRACIONES PÚBLICAS A TRAVÉS DEL PROCESO DE RECONSTRUCCIÓN DE LA VIDA LOCAL. 2. LA INTERRELACIÓN DEL INTERÉS LOCAL Y SUPRALOCAL COMO NOTA CARACTERÍSTICA DE LAS SOCIEDADES INDUSTRIALES. LA SUSTITUCIÓN DEL RÉGIMEN DE TUTELAS POR EL DE LA GARANTÍA DEL RESPECTIVO INTERÉS COLECTIVO. 3. E L SENTIDO DE LAS LLAMADAS «COMPETENCIAS EXCLUSIVAS» DE LAS COMUNIDADES AUTÓNOMAS RESPECTO DE LO S MUNICIPIOS.

The apparent vigor of Mexico's native crafts industry in the twentieth century suggests one of two possible explanations: (1) that crafts continue to have a viable function within the culture that produces & consumes them; or (2) that the techniques have existed only for commercial aesthetic reasons, crafts no longer serving the culture that originally produced them. The Mexican government has recognized the drastic changes that have taken place in the crafts industry & has tried to stimulate & preserve it. However, the emphasis on variety has been at the expense of quality; industrial competition has caused the closing of many markets, & there is widespread substitution of synthetic for genuine materials. The process of commercialization has taken much authenticity out of the crafts industry; unless the economic factors accompanying cultural change are controlled, the crafts will be changed beyond recognition, or disappear completely. S. Karganovic.

SUMMARY: I. INTRODUCTION. - II. RELATION TECHNIQUES IN THE STATUTES OF AUTONOMY. - III. THE TECHNIQUES COLLECTED IN THE EXISTING TERRITORIAL LEGISLATION: 1. THE ASSUMPTION OF COMPETENCES OF THE PROVINCIAL DIPUTATIONS BY THE AUTONOMOUS COMMUNITIES. 2. THE COORDINATION OF COMPETENCES OF THE PROVINCIAL COUNCILS. 3. THE TRANSFER OR DELEGATION OF COMPETENCES OF THE AUTONOMOUS COMMUNITIES IN THE PROVINCIAL COUNCILS. 4. THE MANAGEMENT BY THE PROVINCIAL COUNCILS OF THE PERIPHERAL SERVICES OF THE AUTONOMOUS COMMUNITY. - IV. CONCLUSIONS. ; SUMARIO: I. INTRODUCCIÓN. — II. LAS TÉCNICAS DE RELACIÓN EN LOS ESTATUTOS DE AUTONOMÍA. — III. LAS TÉCNICAS RECOGIDAS EN LA LEGISLACIÓN TERRITORIAL EXISTENTE: 1. LA ASUNCIÓN DE COMPETENCIAS DE LAS DIPUTACIONES PROVINCIALES POR LAS COMUNIDADES AUTÓNOMAS. 2. LA COORDINACIÓN DE COMPETENCIAS DE LAS DIPUTACIONES PROVINCIALES. 3. LA TRANSFERENCIA O DELEGACIÓN DE COMPETENCIAS DE LAS COMUNIDADES AUTÓNOMAS EN LAS DIPUTACIONES PROVINCIALES. 4. LA GESTIÓN POR LAS DIPUTACIONES PROVINCIALES DE LOS SERVICIOS PERIFÉRICOS DE LA COMUNIDAD AUTÓNOMA. — IV. CONCLUSIONES.

Se analizan las relaciones existentes entre las características socio-económicas de los municipios valencianos y su comportamiento en las elecciones legislativas de 1979. Comportamiento electoral y características socio-económicas se sintetizan en un número reducido de factores y componentes interpretables, mediante las técnicas de análisis factorial de correspondencias y análisis de componentes principales. Posteriormente se cuantifican mediante la técnica de regresión ponderada las relaciones existentes entre factores electorales y componentes socio-económicas. ; The existing relations between the social and economical characteristics of Valencia's towns and their electoral behaviour in the 1979 legislative election, are ana1ysed. Both electoral behaviour and social and economical characteristics are synthesised in a reduced number of factors and interpretable components, through techniques of correspondences' factorial analysis and principal components analysis. Later the relations existing between electoral factors and social and economical components are quantified by means of the technique of weighted regression.

Se analizan las relaciones existentes entre las características socio-económicas de los municipios valencianos y su comportamiento en las elecciones legislativas de 1979. Comportamiento electoral y características socio-económicas se sintetizan en un número reducido de factores y componentes interpretables, mediante las técnicas de análisis factorial de correspondencias y análisis de componentes principales. Posteriormente se cuantifican mediante la técnica de regresión ponderada las relaciones existentes entre factores electorales y componentes socio-económicas. ; The existing relations between the social and economical characteristics of Valencia's towns and their electoral behaviour in the 1979 legislative election, are ana1ysed. Both electoral behaviour and social and economical characteristics are synthesised in a reduced number of factors and interpretable components, through techniques of correspondences' factorial analysis and principal components analysis. Later the relations existing between electoral factors and social and economical components are quantified by means of the technique of weighted regression.

There are certain people who work in universities and who describe their work as belonging to International Relations. What do they do and what should they do? Although International Relations has a distinctive theme, it is not really a theme. It cannot be said, as in mathematics, history, philosophy or economics, that it possesses not only a distinctive field of research but its own methods and techniques. Like all political studies in general, of which International Relations or World Politics is a part, they are the scene of struggles between methods, techniques and guidelines to follow. ; Hay ciertas personas que trabajan en las universidades y que describen su quehacer como perteneciente a las Relaciones Internacionales ¿Qué es lo que hacen y qué es lo que deberían hacer? Si bien las Relaciones Internacionales tienen un tema característico, este no constituye en realidad un tema. No se puede decir, como en matemáticas, historia, filosofía o economía, que posea no solo un campo distintivo de investigación sino métodos y técnicas propias. Como todos los estudios políticos en general, de los que las Relaciones Internacionales o la Política Mundial forma parte, son escenario de luchas entre métodos, técnicas y pautas a seguir.

Most studies on Argentine foreign policy made by outsiders have characterized the politics of this country as individualistic or isolationist. The limitations of this vision are that it does not allow the existence or expression of an Argentine national interest independent of the wishes or objectives of the United States or Brazil. Consequently, a broader perspective on Argentine foreign policy is needed in order to better understand that nation's relations with others, especially with Brazil, more intelligently assess the current pending issues between those two countries, and more accurately project the possible Argentine responses to conflict situations. This essay provides such a perspective by tracing the historical roots of Argentina's international conduct and by identifying the principles that underlie its foreign policy. ; La mayoría de los estudios sobre la política exterior argentina hechos por extranjeros han caracterizado la política de este país como individualista o aislacionista. Las limitaciones de esta visión consisten en que ella no permite la existencia o expresión de un interés nacional argentino independiente de los deseos u objetivos de los EE.UU. o Brasil. Por consiguiente, se necesita una perspectiva más amplia acerca de la política exterior argentina para poder entender mejor las relaciones de esa nación con otras, especialmente con el Brasil, evaluar más inteligentemente los asuntos actuales pendientes entre esos dos países y proyectar con mayor precisión las posibles respuestas argentinas a situaciones de conflicto. Este ensayo busca proporcionar tal perspectiva por medio del rastreo de las raíces históricas de la conducta internacional de Argentina y por la identificación de los principios que son la base de su política exterior.

The reason for bringing up this particular topic possibly stems from the continuous contradictions the professional comes across day after day in the Spanish mass communications media during the pre-election phase which the country is going through at the time of this writing. In effect, the press is more and more explicit in its definitions and does not seem to be very willing to remain exquisitely impartial. Television pretends to be operating in accordance witha new phase but the truth of the matter is that it continues to cater to the same people and groups it always has. Our politicians are all trying to outdo each other in order to appear on television, and when they finally do achieve their aim . they take advantage of the situation to address themselves to their friends using the language and style of a long outdated speech. It is indeed strange that at a time when everybody is interested in the electoral system to be adopted and when the Government and the Opposition are in the process of negotiating the bases of an electoral law, nobody -at least not at this very moment, although it is to be hoped that things will have changed for the better by the time these lines are published- raises the question of setting up new and special control s with regard to electoral propaganda, apart from the demand for the mere access to Spanish television. And precisely in a moment of transition when a new and democratic system is in the process of being established, itis even more necessary ~indispensabl~ to have a clear sét of regulations which would serve to offset the lack of democratic experience and practice. It is clear that in order to come face-to-face with principies of control the first thing to be done is to find out the nature of electoral propaganda and that of propaganda in general, in harmony with the mean s and techniques in use today, Perhaps this particular aspect is discussed too much at length in this work, but the author believes that it is not possible to ignore such techniques as political marketing which is overlooked by all regulations. Once this obstacle has been overcome, the resulting concept can be analyzed in the light of the human and fundamental right to information, and conclusions can be formulated in the form of presuppositions, limitations and requirements. These are -according to the author- the principie gUidelines which must preside over any type of regulation in this field. The fact is that these conclusions were common to generic political propaganda and to that which is properly electoral. Before applying them specifically to the case of electoral propaganda, the author carries out a brief study of Compared Law. After classifying several possible feasible models in accordance with political, juridical and informative conditions, he studies sorne of the most significant cases of the types mentioned. The systems analyzed are those found in England, the United States, France, Italy, Japan and Portugal. The study of the two latter systems are the most extensive due to the fact that we are dealing in these cases with attempts at complete regulation through which the legislators have pretended to create adequate channels in order to make electoral propaganda serve the democracy being restored. In effect, the Japanese law dates from 1950, the various Portuguese laws from 1974, 1975 and 1976; these dates coincide with the implementation of democracy in both systems. For this reason precisely, these countries are especially interesting with regard to the subject matter being analyzed. From the comparison between the general principies derived from the right to information and the reality offered by Compared Law, there arise a series of guidelines for control which are discussed in the last part of the present work. Other solutions can naturally exist, but the author hopes that the ones put forth in this paper can be at least helpful indicators in the setting up of a possible juridical regime with regard to electoral propaganda.

Communications studies divide journalism into three genres: informative, interpretive, & opinionative. The following aspects of opinionative journalism are discussed: ideas or theme; author's capacities; application of expositive techniques; style (informative, reactive, or deliberative); structure (introduction, development, & conclusion); & language. Journalistic style is as applicable to opinion as to the other genres. The writing tends to be adapted to the reader's cultural level, & popular idiom may be used. Some view journalistic expression as similar to that of novels & poems; but while the latter may have an analytic style, journalism tends to be elliptic. Many authors outside of journalism have practiced in that field. S. Whittle.