Suchergebnisse

Ovim radom pružen je uvid u razvoj odnosa s javnošću kao profesije, gledano kroz 4 modela Gruniga i Hunta te su navedene i objašnjene tehnike koje se koriste u odnosima s javnošću. Objašnjen je i pojam aktivizma kao i njegovi najznačajniji teorijski aspekti, oblici i metode. U sklopu istraživanja korištene su dvije metode; analiza sadržaja i anketni upitnik. Analizom sadržaja obuhvaćeno je 129 aktivističkih organizacija na području Republike Hrvatske, a na anketni upitnik u potpunosti je odgovorilo 39 organizacija. Pokazalo se da većina hrvatskih aktivističkih organizacija prepoznaje važnost odnosa s javnošću, njima se bavi svakodnevno te koristi brojne tehnike meĎu kojima prednjači internet, posebice društvene mreže i web stranice. Od društvenih mreža daleko je najzastupljeniji Facebook, na kojemu profil ima 110 od 129 proučenih organizacija. MeĎutim, financijska ulaganja u odnose s javnošću kod većine su organizacija nepostojeća, a slijede ih organizacije koje ulažu izmeĎu 1 i 5% od svojih ukupnih financijskih sredstava. Rezultati ukazuju na to da postoji prostor za napredak odnosa s javnošću u aktivističkim organizacijama, što bi bilo korisno za profesiju odnosa s javnošću u Hrvatskoj, kao i za aktivističke organizacije koje bi si većim ulaganjima mogle osigurati bolju komunikaciju s ključnim javnostima, a samim time i veću učinkovitost u postizanju svojih ciljeva. ; This thesis is aimed at showing the development of public relations as a profession, using Grunig's and Hunt's 4 models, as well as naming and explaining different techniques of public relations. Furthermore, it explains activism mentioning most important aspects of theory and identifying its various forms and mechanisms. Two methods were used for the purposes of the research; content analysis and survey questionnaire. Content analysis included 129 croatian activist organizations, while only 39 organizations completed the survey questionnaire. The results show that most Croatian activistic organizations recognize the importance of public ...

Rad promišlja i prikazuje interakciju globalizacije i kulture kao sustava značenja koji reguliraju društveni život, odnosno na općoj razini skicira i analizira neke teze glede odnosa kulture i globalizacije. Globalizacija je društvena, ekonomska, politička i kulturna činjenica suvremenog društva, totalni fenomen. Ona je sveprisutna pojava današnje epohe i ostavlja upečatljive tragove svoje nazočnosti u svim prostorima u kojima se odvija. Osnovni aspekti globalizacije su ekonomski i politički odnosi koji se razvijaju između zemalja i regija i sve više čine okvir nekoj vrsti kulturnoga međusobnog približavanja u kojemu izvjestan broj istih vrijednosti prolazi krozviše zemalja s tendencijom prema kulturnoj jednakosti.Globalizacijski proces uključuje sve veći broj kulturnih elemenata, proširuje prostorne, kvantitativne i kvalitativne dimenzije kulture, a uključivanjem sve većega broja ljudi potiče aktivno djelovanje kulture. U prošlosti i danas dodiri kultura su se skladno prožimali, ali i iskazivali dramatične i često konfliktne oblike. Istinsko življenje trebalo bi biti međusobno razumijevanje i poštovanje, sporazumijevanje i ravnopravna suradnja jer smisao čovjeka ogleda se u humanosti. ; This paper represents an analysis and an account of the interaction between globalization and culture as systems of meaning that regulate social life. In other words, the paper provides a general outline and insight into certain thesis regarding the relationship between culture and globalization. Globalization is a social, economic, political, and cultural fact of modern society, an absolute phenomenon. It is an omnipresent occurrence of today's epoch leaving significant traces of its presence wherever it occurs. The basic aspects of globalization refer to economic and political relations that develop between countries and regions and that increasingly represent a framework for closer cultural contacts within which a certain number of the same values pass through many countries with a tendency towards cultural equality.The globalization process includes an increasing number of cultural elements, it broadens the spatial, quantitative and qualitative dimensions of culture, and, by including an increasing number of people, promotes active functioning of culture. In past and at present cultural contacts have harmoniously interfused, but they have also taken dramatic and often conflicting forms. True living should consist of mutual understanding and respect, agreement and equal cooperation because the meaning of man is reflected in humanity.

There are varied institutional forms (formal and informal) in which electoral (political) subjects take part in elections. Elections for assemblies show that the actions of such subjects are differently motivated, and also that their approach during conflict or cooperation in the realization of their wishes is different. Thus conflict situations, »election scandals«, occur sporadically. Such conflicts are an expression and a result of contradictory desires and actions of the participants. The significance and effect of an electoral conflict is conditioned and determined by the (political) significance of the elections themselves, not only in the sense that they are formally one of the basic constitutive elements of the political system, but first and foremost because they are the form in which citizens are active in politics. Following the procedure in election the author has tried to reveal the basic actors in electoral conflicts, the content of their conflict and the form it takes. In the author's opinion it is wrong to pass an a priori judgement of the character and value of electoral »cases« (negative judgements have usually been passed), the foundation of the conflict and the character and orientation of the persons involved, who do not seek for affirmation of their political value in the strength of arguments and objective achievement. We can understand and solve the ambivalent character of such conflicts, and the political behavior of their participants, only after studying the case. There will be a smaller number of »cases« and electoral conflicts, and they will be less complicated, the more consistently we free ourselves from varied formal-legal and political restraints, and the more society takes on the characteristics of self-managing and democratic socialism. Conflicts of this type are not the result of democracy. They are the result of its insufficient development or presence, thus making it subject to misunderstanding, searching and abuse.

U ovome broju časopisa Etnološka tribina objavljujemo temat koji problematizira turizam – njegove aktere, politike i procese – kako one koji oblikuju i usmjeravaju turizam tako i one koje turizam stvara i pokreće. Radovi u tematu bave se različitim vizijama i strategijama turističkog razvoja (Antonio Miguel Nogués-Pedregal, Raúl Travé-Molero i Daniel Carmona-Zubiri); primjenom načela stvaranja doživljaja u suvremenim muzejskim postavima (Daniela Angelina Jelinčić i Matea Senkić); vezom tradicijske prehrane, okusa i nostalgije u istarskim agroturizmima (Tanja Kocković Zaborski); oblikovanjem memorijalnih mjesta bitki na Soči u Prvom svjetskom ratu i posjetima tim lokalitetima u međuratnom razdoblju (Petra Kavrečič); okolišnim, društvenim i političko-ekonomskim procesima koji utječu na baštinu i turizam na Zlarinu i u Trenti (Peter Simonič); životom Danice Brössler u Dubrovniku kao primjerom turističkih aktivnosti pojedinaca (Tihana Petrović Leš). ; The thematic section of this year's issue of Etnološka tribina problematises tourism and its actors, politics and processes – both those which shape and direct tourism, and those which are created and sparked by tourism. The articles deal with different visions and strategies of tourist development (Antonio Miguel Nogués-Pedregal, Raúl Travé-Molero and Daniel Carmona-Zubiri); the application of the principles of experience creation in contemporary museum displays (Daniela Angelina Jelinčić and Matea Senkić); the relationships between traditional food, tastes and nostalgia in Istrian agrotourism (Tanja Kocković Zaborski); the construction of the memorial sites of the Soča front in WWI and visits to those sites in the interwar period (Petra Kavrečič); environmental, social and political-economic processes which influence heritage and tourism on Zlarin Island and in the Trenta Valley (Peter Simonič); and the life of Danica Brössler in Dubrovnik as an example of an individual's tourist activities (Tihana Petrović Leš).

Since the end of the 1980s, the intensifying of the politicization process has been one of the important characteristics of the EU integration process. The politicization in the EU is understood as the way of contesting and decision-making on public issues, the way that is opposite to the elitist and technocratic mode of decision-making, typical for the first decades of EU integration. Thus, the politicization, and also the politicization in the EU, is grasped as complementary to the public character of modern politics, especially with democracy. The European union is conceptualized as an extremely compound and non-centralized political system of a non-state type with the elements of consensus democracy and with a deeply segmented society as its basis, divided by national and many transnational lines. Within that society, as well as within its political institutions, the politicization process has been developing which has been influencing the functioning of the system considerably. We explore the experiences of politicization in other compound, consensus democracies in Europe – Belgium and Switzerland – and by comparing the specific cases of politicization, we are searching for the possible specific characteristics of politicization in the EU that stem from its described nature. Also, we are analyzing the possible impact of such politicization on the future of integration and politics in the EU. Although not always contributing to deepening of integration, the politicization in the EU, under specific circumstances, could have a democratizing effect. It serves as the opportunity for stimulating the debates on important issues and articulating the will of the citizens while the adequate forms of participation in the political process are still missing in the EU. In addition, we discuss the potential impact of the politicization of European issues on the gradual creation of the European public sphere or the Europeanisation of the national public spheres, as well as on the Europeanisation of society and emergence of the European political identity among the EU citizens. ; Jedna od značajnijih karakteristika u razvoju evropske integracije od kraja 1980- ih godina jeste intenziviranje procesa politizacije. Politizacija u Evropskoj uniji se razume kao način raspravljanja i odlučivanja o javnim pitanjima suprotan elitističkom i tehnokratskom načinu donošenja odluka, uobičajenom naročito za prve decenije razvoja evropske integracije. Stoga se politizacija, pa i politizacija u Evropskoj uniji, shvata kao komplementarna sa javnim karakterom moderne politike, posebno sa demokratijom. Evropska unija je konceptualizovana kao izrazito složen i necentralizovan politički sistem nedržavnog tipa sa elementima konsensualne demokratije koji za osnovu ima duboko segmentirano društvo, ispresecano osim nacionalnim i mnogim transnacionalnim podelama. Unutar tog društva, kao i unutar političkih institucija, odvija se proces politizacije koja ima značajnog uticaja na funkcionisanje sistema. Rad nastoji da izuči iskustva politizacije drugih složenih, konsensualnih demokratija u Evropi – Belgije i Švajcarske – te poređenjem pojedinih slučajeva politizacije traga za posebnim karakteristikama politizacije u EU koje proističu iz njene opisane prirode, kao i o mogućem uticaju takve politizacije na budućnost integracije i politike u EU. Iako neće uvek doprineti produbljivanju integracije, politizacija u EU pod određenim uslovima može imati demokratizujući uticaj jer predstavlja način da se oživi rasprava o važnim pitanjima i artikuliše volja građana u nedostatku adekvatnih oblika učešća u političkom procesu EU. Dodatno, razmatra se potencijalni uticaj koji politizacija evropskih pitanja može da ima na postepeno kreiranje evropske javne sfere ili evropeizaciju nacionalnih javnih sfera, kao i na evropeizaciju društva i kreiranje evropskog političkog identiteta među građanima Unije.

U ovom radu, u razmatranju povijesnog razvoja stanovništva u zapadnoeuropskim zemljama u razdoblju nakon sredine 1960-ih godina, težište je izlaganja na temi "druga demografska tranzicija." Analizirat ćemo demografska i socio-demografska obilježja toga razdoblja, sličnosti i razlike s etapom prethodne demografske tranzicije te podudarnost "druge demografske tranzicije" s posttranzicijskom etapom u razvoju stanovništva. Nastojat ćemo odgovoriti na temeljno pitanje koje se u tim razmatranjima postavlja: može li se na osnovi empirijske i znanstvene analize "druga demografska tranzicija" smatrati "posebnom, novom etapom u razvoju stanovništva" ili je ona samo drugo ime za posttranzicijsku etapu kao etapu nakon prethodne ("prve") demografske tranzicije. U novim razvojnim uvjetima i uz nove ekonomskosocijalne, tehničko-tehnološke, vrijednosne, kulturološke i socio-psihološke čimbenike, "druga demografska tranzicija" predstavlja kontinuitet u odnosu na ustanovljen trend smanjivanja nataliteta/fertiliteta u prethodnoj demografskoj tranzicij i, koji je u novim uvjetima života i rada te djelovanju novih, napose vrijednosnih čimbenika relevantnih za postindustrijsko i postmodernizacijsko društvo, usmjeren na postignuće generacijski ispodzamjenskog nataliteta/fertiliteta. ; The second demographic transition came about in European demographic literature as a topic in 1986. The authors thereof were Dutch demographers Dirk van de Kaa and Ron Lesthaeghe. Starting from the demographic-historical conceptualisation of the theory of demographic transition, it may be concluded that following the fi rst demographic transition, the stage the authors call the second demographic transition occured in the development of the population. This is however only another name for the post-transitional stage, whereby this term includes the continuity of demographic trends, while the term the second demographic transition explains the discontinuity between the periods of the fi rst and the second demographic transition. Van de Kaa (1987) emphasises that due to the impact of essential specifi c factors, essential diff erences emerged between these two transitions. During the second demographic transition, they were caused by secularisation and individualisation processes, and new factors linked with them (new value orientation; socio-psychological and other factors). They caused a decline of marriages; an increase in the number of cohabitations and other forms of life partnerships; an increase in the number of children born out of wedlock; an increase in the number of divorces; etc., which have become acceptable in the perception of the young generation. On the contrary, having children and the number of children have become a matt er of partners' free choice, as their primary goal is to achieve self-fulfi lment at personal level. It has all exercised an impact on a further fertility reduction, which started in the middle phase, and became intensifi ed in the late phase of the fi rst transition. Essential diff erences between the fi rst and the second transition, which the authors mention in the paper, have however arisen from the understandable fact that each period bear their own specifi c historical context and specifi c features of social diff erentiation. The authors point out that essential diff erences between the two transitions have further arisen from the main postulates they are based upon. The fi nal stage of the fi rst transition was based on balance (zero level) between low birth and death rates, and on stationary population. In the second demographic transition, birth and fertility rates tended to be reduced to the sub-replacement level, or, according to Lesthaeghe, to the sustainable sub-replacement fertility level, which, along with life prolongation, intensifi ed population aging, which demanded the so-called replacement migration as a compensation for the decrease in workforce. Starting from the thesis that the second demographic transition was a new stage in European demographic history, separated from the fi rst transition, the authors emphasised that there was no continuity in fertility reduction between the two transitions, as in the second transition, this trend was oriented towards the permanent and sustainable sub-replacement fertility level. However, many other demographers, such as R. Cliquet and D. Coleman, hold that between the two transitions, there was a continuity in demographic trends, in particular fertility reduction, which leaned on the low fertility level already achieved in the fi nal stage of the fi rst demographic transition. Our research has led to the identical conclusion, as it commenced from the fact that fertility reduction started in the middle phase of the fi rst transition and became intensifi ed in the late phase thereof; hence, fertility reduction in the second demographic transition continued to the balance of low levels of these rates, already achieved in the fi rst transition. The turn that occurred in the fi rst decade of the 21st century indicated to the possibility of the emergence of new factors in new social circumstances, which might infl uence the growth of birth/fertility rates. According to the available data, the total fertility rate in most of Western European countries grew and approximated the replacement level, yet did not exceed it. A longer period of studying this complex phenomenon is hence rate decrease to the sub-replacement level was irreversible and permanently sustainable in highly-developed countries.

This paper show why the standardization of administrative procedure is important for the state legal system that, in the last two decades, the administrative procedure codes were adopted in almost all of the European states. Afterwards author analyzed main driving forces for development of administrative procedural law at the level of the European Union and the Council of Europe. The most important legal sources of European administrative procedural law (basic standards, principles, recommendations and guidelines in this area) are concisely presented but it is clearly indicated that there are certain ambiguities, that these sources don't apply equally to all institutions of the Union, and that they still don't make finished, complete and forever given system that can be automatically transferred to jurisprudence of the member states and candidate countries. Moreover, often administrative process laws of the member states contain rules that are not existing in this kind of regulation at European Union level and that is why the process of adopting the first European Union general law on administrative procedure was initiated, which would further improve the standards of European administrative process in general. When it comes to the general administrative procedure of the Republic of Serbia it has been shown that in spite of the strategic orientation towards the reform of the Law on Administrative Procedure expressed in numerous strategies, our executive authorities in this area have not yet moved beyond the development of the third version of the Draft Law on General administrative Procedure which was afterward adopted by the Government as the Bill. In his final remarks the author concludes stating that the largest number of European standards of administrative process are included in the final version of the Draft, but without eliminating the shortcomings of the existing Law, and without normative adjusting to the circumstances in which the Serbian administration operates, and with unnecessary abandonment of some solutions that have proved to be right in the decades-long practice of administrative authorities.

U radu ćemo predstaviti karakteristike nastave retorike kao obaveznog izbornog predmeta u devetom razredu osnovne škole u Sloveniji. Ovaj predmet predstavlja jedinstveni obrazovni element jer u drugim evropskim obrazovnim sistemima (kao ni i drugde u svetu) nisu na osnovnoškolskom nivou upoznati s nezavisnim predmetom koji bi učenike sistematski učio principima uspešnog ubeđivanja sagovornika. Nakon kratkog predstavljanja okolnosti uvođenja predmeta retorike u školski program slovenačkih osnovnih škola, predstavićemo njegove pedagoške karakteristike i ukazaćemo na neke specifičnosti njegovog praktičnog sprovođenja od 1999. godine do danas. Glavni fokus u drugom delu našeg rada biće predstavljanje rezultata projekta "Razvoj teorijskih osnova i praktičnih smernica za nastavu retorike u osnovnoj i srednjoj školi" koji se od 2018. godine realizuje u Pedagoškom institutu u Ljubljani. Prikazaćemo osnovne (sadržajne i didaktičke) pravce razvoja nove verzije nastavnog plana i programa za nastavu retorike u osnovnoj školi. Ovim nastojimo da pokažemo kako retorika, kao sastavni deo osnovnog obrazovanja, ne predstavlja dodatni balast ili teret, već da, upravo zbog svojih jedinstvenih (tj. klasičnih) karakteristika, omogućava kritički osvrt na znanje i podstiče demokratske procese u školskoj sredini, što predstavlja jedan od ključnih elemenata razvoja učeničkih kompetencija za efikasno učešće u savremenim demokratskim kulturama. ; In the paper, we shall present the characteristics of teaching rhetoric as a compulsory elective subject in the ninth grade of elementary school in Slovenia. It represents a unique education feature, since in other European educational systems (as well as elsewhere in the world) at elementary level they are not familiar with an independent subject where pupils could systematically learn the principles of successful public persuasion. After a brief presentation of the circumstances surrounding the placement of the subject of rhetoric in the Slovenian elementary school curriculum, we shall outline its pedagogical characteristics and present some particularities of its practical carrying out from 1999 to the present day. The main focus in the second part of our paper shall be the presentation of the results of the project "Developing of theoretical bases and practical guidelines for teaching rhetoric in the primary and secondary school" which has been taking part at the Educational Research Institute Slovenia from 2018. We will demonstrate the main (content and didactic) directions of developing a new version of the curriculum for teaching rhetoric in the primary school, thus trying to show that rhetoric, seen as an integral part of the elementary education, does not represent an additional ballast or burden. On the contrary, precisely because of its unique (i.e. classical) features, it enables a critical reflection of knowledge and promotes democratic processes within the school environment, which represent one of the key elements in development of student competences for effective participation in modern democratic cultures. ; Zbornik rezimea / 24. Međunarodna naučna konferencija "Pedagoška istraživanja i školska praksa ; Book of abstracts / 24th International Scientific Conference "Educational Research and School Practice"

Contemporary educational practice demands that we seek new strategies in articulation of lessons and realization of educational aims. These new approaches are necessitated by the post-modern times we live in, with all the pertaining cultural, economic, political, technical and technological changes. The role of the institutions has been revised, as well as the roles of parents, teachers and pupils. In the time we live and work pupils' achievements are described and measured according to competences. Some of these numerous competences stand out as an educational ideal: critical thinking, cooperative learning, assuming responsibility, ability to act as individuals and members of society. Such achievements are also prescribed in the curriculum, more precisely, in the National Curriculum Framework. Cooperative learning, where pupils organized in groups join forces to learn during their school lessons, is often viewed as an especially interesting and productive learning method. The atmosphere among pupils who learn through cooperation is characterized by positive interdependence, that is, they are aware of the fact that the only way for them to succeed is by joining forces. Process drama is a method of using drama in education. Absence of an audience is one of its characteristics. As it does not focus on performance but on examining and searching for answers to questions (issues), it represents a method for quality teaching and learning, which is exactly why it should be an integral part of the National Curriculum Framework. This paper posits a theory that process drama is a form of cooperative learning because the important characteristics of process drama and cooperative learning overlap. Therefore, their common characteristics, such as the teacher's/leader's different engagement, changing of the fixed patterns of thinking, acting and reflexive observation will be listed, compared and explained using a comparative method. The purpose of this paper is to offer a method suitable for the requirements of contemporary school classes. ; Suvremena odgojna i obrazovna praksa zahtijeva pronalaženje novih pristupa artikulaciji nastavnoga sata i ostvarivanju odgojnih i obrazovnih ciljeva. Te nove pristupe nameće postmoderno vrijeme u kojem živimo sa svim svojim kulturološkim, gospodarskim, političkim, tehničkim i tehnološkim promjenama. Preispituje se uloga institucija, ali preispituju se i pojedinačne uloge roditelja, učitelja i učenika. Vrijeme u kojem živimo i djelujemo postignuća učenika opisuje i mjeri kompetencijama. U mnoštvu sposobnosti neke se nameću kao odgojno-obrazovni ideal: kritičko mišljenje, suradničko učenje, preuzimanje odgovornosti, sposobnost djelovanja kao individue i dijela društva. Takva postignuća propisuje i kurikulum, točnije Nacionalni okvirni kurikulum. Iako su jezične nedoumice oko kurikuluma i kurikula dokinute pa struka preporuča oblik kurikul, u ovom će se radu koristiti oblik kurikulum jer je on potvrđeniji u pedagogijskoj literaturi, a samim time će se izbjeći moguće nejasnoće, nesporazumi i nelogičnosti. Kao posebno zanimljiv i produktivan oblik učenja sve se češće ističe suradničko učenje u kojem učenici organizirani u grupe zajedničkim naporima svladavaju nastavno gradivo. Među učenicima koji uče surađujući vlada pozitivna međuovisnost, odnosno svijest da mogu uspjeti samo zajedničkim naporima. Procesna drama je metoda dramskoga odgoja. Odsustvo publike jedno je od njezinih obilježja. Kako nije usmjerena na predstavljanje već na propitivanje i traženje odgovora na postavljena pitanja (probleme), predstavlja metodu za kvalitetno poučavanje i učenje. U ovom radu postavlja se teza da je procesna drama oblik suradničkoga učenja jer se u bitnim obilježjima procesna drama i suradničko učenje preklapaju te će se komparativnom metodom zajednička obilježja popisati, usporediti i objasniti. Svrha je ovoga rada ponuditi metodu koja odgovara zahtjevima suvremene nastave

Within contemporary geopolitical processes, respect for the rights of national minorities is no longer the discretion of a state, but rather is an indirect or direct international regulation of the minority issue. In the beginning of the 1990s, the political economical crisis and disintegration of the former SFRY opened the national question, that was considered to be permanently and successfully solved, in the most dramatic way, and ethnic conflicts and clashes followed the desintegration of the country. With the formation of a new states on the territory of the former Yugoslavia, the existence of numerous and different national minorities ("old" and "new") required a different approach to their protection and integration in complex political circumstances. Thus, the position of the so called new minorities drastically changed since they formed constituent nations in the former SFRY, while after secession they remained separated from their home nations and became national minorities almost overnight. Out of Serbia, in former Yugoslav republics live nearly half a million persons belonging to Serbian nationality as new national minority. The paper discusses the position and rights of the Serbian minority in the post Yugoslav states (Slovenia, Croatia, Northern Macedonia, Montenegro) as well as in some neighboring member states of the European Union (Hungary, Romania, Bulgaria). In addition to the analysis of basic demographic indicators (number and spatial distribution) that determine the realization of the rights and freedoms of each minority, the paper examines the issue of protecting the national, cultural and linguistic identity of Serbs, as well as the ways of its preservation and improvement. Although the social and legal status of the Serbian minority is determined by European standards, the analysis points to their undefined status, since they still do not recognize the status of a national minority in some countries, and that they are in practice faced with more or less assimilation. In order to fully realize minority rights and improve the position of the Serb minority, ratified international documents, bilateral agreements, national laws, as well as well-designed policies and assistance from the home state are of great importance.Respecting basic human rights and freedom, as well as national minority protection, represent the basic factors of stability, security and democratic and socio-economic development of every country.

After the economic crisis of 2008, the degree of economic and environmental impact has increased. Challenges encountered by enterprises ranges from fulfilling the legal obligations of integral prevention and pollution control to the adaptation of the environmental management system in order to successfully apply the ISO 14001 standard. Companies face problems arising from soil pollution, climate change and legislation. Companies must take into account the successful management of sustainable development and social responsibility. To date, the basic responsibility of the company is to create profits for the owners of the company. However, including "social aspects", it emphasizes the participation of other stakeholders. The subject of research in this paper focuses on realizing the situation in terms of company's readiness to fulfill legal obligations for integrated pollution prevention and the application of appropriate environmental management standards. The main objective of this paper is to indicate the opportunities that companies have in favor of effective environmental management through cost reduction and cost savings achieved through efficient waste and energy recycling initiatives. Considering the fact that waste management is inappropriate, it can cause numerous consequences for the population and the environment, work for the welfare of the public, management and employees in enterprises, academic researchers and the general public is expected. The contribution of this paper is to expand the literature in this field and to the need to implement an appropriate management concept for integrated environmental management and prevention in order to successfully manage sustainable development. ; Posle ekonomske krize 2008. godine, stepen ekonomskih i ekoloških uticaja je povećan. Izazovi sa kojima se susreću poduzeća kreću se od ispunjavanja zakonskih obaveza integralnog sprečavanja i kontrole zagađenja do prilagođavanja sistema upravlјanja zaštitom životne sredine kako bi se uspješno primijenio standard ISO 14001. Preduzeća se suočavaju sa problemima koji proizlaze iz zagađenja zemlјišta, klimatskih promena i zakonodavstva. Preduzeća moraju voditi računa o uspešnom upravlјanju sa održivim razvojem i društvenom odgovornošću. Do danas je osnovna odgovornost preduzeća stvaranje profita za vlasnike preduzeća. Međutim, uklјučujući i "socijalne aspekte" naglašava učešće drugih zainteresovanih strana (Hopkins, M. 2004). Predmet istraživanja u ovom radu fokusira se na sagledavanje stvarne situacije u smislu spremnosti preduzeća da ispune zakonske obaveze za integriranu prevenciju zagađenja i primenu odgovarajućih standarda za upravlјanje životnom sredinom. Glavni cilј ovog rada je ukazati na mogućnosti koje preduzeća imaju u korist efektivnog upravlјanja životnom sredinom kroz mogućnosti smanjenja troškova i uštede troškova postignutih kroz efikasne inicijative za reciklažu otpada i energije. S obzirom na činjenicu da je upravlјanje otpadomne prikladno, može izazvati brojne posledice na stanovništvo i životnu sredinu, očekuje se rad za dobrobit javnosti, menadžmenta i zaposlenih u preduzećima, akademskih istraživača i šire javnosti. Doprinos ovog rada sastoji se u proširenju literature u ovoj oblasti i na neophodnost primene odgovarajućeg koncepta upravlјanja za integrisano upravlјanje i sprečavanje zagađenja životne sredine kako bi se uspešno upravlјalo održivim razvojem.

The issue of security in the new social and political context has not stopped attracting the attention of strategic security studies, this time with the emphasis on contemporary concepts in response to non-military security issues, such as demographic changes or environmental degradation. It is obvious that we live in a world of fundamental political and economic changes in relations between states and non-state actors. Instability, military threats and conflicts are back in the focus of security policy, although in a completely new way that requires new understanding and a new attitude towards these categories, as well as a new response from the state and especially from the international community towards these kinds of threats or the use of force in a post-Cold-War order. In order to create a system in which all countries can function under the same rules, act in accordance with them and react in certain situations in compliance with those rules, it was necessary to create a single system of collective security. This system is a good basis for all countries to react according to the same rules and standards in certain situations when their safety is compromised. Integration processes and collective security are constants of a modern society and every country seeks to become a part of a specific system, whether it be a security-based, political or economic framework of integration. The main factor that was very important for the member states of NATO was the disappearance of the key danger coming from the East in the form of the Soviet Union and the Warsaw Pact. On the other hand, the issue of NATO's existence and future arose, as did the issue of justifying its existence, bearing in mind the absence of threats and enemies that might jeopardize the Western world. Academia and a number of scholars believed that NATO would cease to exist. For them the existence of such an alliance no longer made any sense, and they thought that it would be best for all the member states to stop being a part of such an Alliance. vi By the Declaration of Independence adopted by Parliament on June 3, 2006, Montenegro clearly committed itself to Euro-Atlantic Integration. Montenegro's membership of NATO and the EU is one of the foreign policy priorities of the Government of Montenegro. At a time when all South-East European countries are included in the Euro-Atlantic integration process, Montenegro's commitment to becoming a part of the regional and international security system (UN, NATO, EU, and OSCE) is a realistic and the best solution for achieving long-lasting stability and prosperity in the region. Montenegro's strategic goal is to build a modern and functional security system that has the ability to respond in the most efficient manner to the challenges, risks and threats to the state. For every country, the Constitution is the basis of its future path towards the democratization of the society and membership of international organizations. As the supreme law of the country, it is necessary to include all the standards that will clearly indicate the commitment of the state to the direction it wants to go, how it will develop, and which principles related to human rights and freedoms it must have. The Constitution of Montenegro does not question in any of its parts Montenegro's commitment towards membership of NATO and the EU. This is very important not only from a constitutional point of view, but also from the point of view of the international standards and norms that apply in other countries and represent the democratic standards of developed countries. Also, in this way Montenegro as a country demonstrates that despite any possible change of government it will remain committed to the European and Euro-Atlantic integration processes. At this moment, this determination is very important, bearing in mind all other aspects that could potentially affect Montenegro's path towards the Euro-Atlantic family. Consideration of the changing security environment in Europe and worldwide, as well as the improvement of the security situation by a number of Eastern European countries entering the EU and NATO, which inter alia required a reform of their defense systems in accordance with NATO standards, raises the issue of the future use of the defense capacities of Montenegro. ; The issue of security in the new social and political context has not stopped attracting the attention of strategic security studies, this time with the emphasis on contemporary concepts in response to non-military security issues, such as demographic changes or environmental degradation. It is obvious that we live in a world of fundamental political and economic changes in relations between states and non-state actors. Instability, military threats and conflicts are back in the focus of security policy, although in a completely new way that requires new understanding and a new attitude towards these categories, as well as a new response from the state and especially from the international community towards these kinds of threats or the use of force in a post-Cold-War order. In order to create a system in which all countries can function under the same rules, act in accordance with them and react in certain situations in compliance with those rules, it was necessary to create a single system of collective security. This system is a good basis for all countries to react according to the same rules and standards in certain situations when their safety is compromised. Integration processes and collective security are constants of a modern society and every country seeks to become a part of a specific system, whether it be a security-based, political or economic framework of integration. The main factor that was very important for the member states of NATO was the disappearance of the key danger coming from the East in the form of the Soviet Union and the Warsaw Pact. On the other hand, the issue of NATO's existence and future arose, as did the issue of justifying its existence, bearing in mind the absence of threats and enemies that might jeopardize the Western world. Academia and a number of scholars believed that NATO would cease to exist. For them the existence of such an alliance no longer made any sense, and they thought that it would be best for all the member states to stop being a part of such an Alliance. vi By the Declaration of Independence adopted by Parliament on June 3, 2006, Montenegro clearly committed itself to Euro-Atlantic Integration. Montenegro's membership of NATO and the EU is one of the foreign policy priorities of the Government of Montenegro. At a time when all South-East European countries are included in the Euro-Atlantic integration process, Montenegro's commitment to becoming a part of the regional and international security system (UN, NATO, EU, and OSCE) is a realistic and the best solution for achieving long-lasting stability and prosperity in the region. Montenegro's strategic goal is to build a modern and functional security system that has the ability to respond in the most efficient manner to the challenges, risks and threats to the state. For every country, the Constitution is the basis of its future path towards the democratization of the society and membership of international organizations. As the supreme law of the country, it is necessary to include all the standards that will clearly indicate the commitment of the state to the direction it wants to go, how it will develop, and which principles related to human rights and freedoms it must have. The Constitution of Montenegro does not question in any of its parts Montenegro's commitment towards membership of NATO and the EU. This is very important not only from a constitutional point of view, but also from the point of view of the international standards and norms that apply in other countries and represent the democratic standards of developed countries. Also, in this way Montenegro as a country demonstrates that despite any possible change of government it will remain committed to the European and Euro-Atlantic integration processes. At this moment, this determination is very important, bearing in mind all other aspects that could potentially affect Montenegro's path towards the Euro-Atlantic family. Consideration of the changing security environment in Europe and worldwide, as well as the improvement of the security situation by a number of Eastern European countries entering the EU and NATO, which inter alia required a reform of their defense systems in accordance with NATO standards, raises the issue of the future use of the defense capacities of Montenegro.

Namjera je u ovom radu prikazati i predstaviti oružanu skupinu FARC, njihovu dugogodišnju borbu, propale pregovore s vladom te posljednje pregovore koji su rezultirali sporazumom. Ovaj slučaj pruža uvid u rješavanje sukoba te primjer kako postupati s drugim sukobljenim stranama. Kolumbija se ističe kao zemlja s velikim problemima, a jedan od njih su pobunjeničke grupe. Velikim uspjehom može se smatrati potpisivanje sporazuma s najdugovječnijom oružanom skupinom. Tematski okvir rada predstavlja istraživanje korporacije RAND, odnosno njenih autora Setha Jonesa i Martina Libickog koji su predstavili pet načina na koje dolazi do prestanka djelovanja terorističkih skupina. Fokus u ovom radu je na prestanku djelovanja terorističkih skupina tako što se uključe u legalne i legitimne političke procese. Rad dovodi do zaključka kako je FARC oružana skupina koja je tijekom svojih godina postojanja prošla nekoliko tipova djelovanja te na kraju postala politička stranka. Okolnosti u kojima se zatekla skupina, ali i sama država, dovele su do toga da ponovno pokrenu pregovore. ; The purpose of this paper is to show and introduce armed group named FARC, their long-lasting fight, failed negotiations with the government and the last negotiations that resulted in a peace agreement. This case provides insight in solutions to the conflict and example how to deal with other conflicted groups. Colombia stands out as a country with big problems and one of them are rebel groups. Great success is signing of a peace agreement with the most lasting rebel group. The framework of this subject is the research of the RAND Corporation, that is, their authors, Seth Jones and Martin Libicki, who showed five ways in which terrorist groups end. The focus of this paper is an ending of terrorist groups by involving in legal and legitimate political process. The paper brings to conclusion that FARC is armed group which has had throughout their many years different types of activity and in the end it has become a political party. Circumstances in which ...

U radu je prikazano iskustvo medijatora u procesu obiteljske medijacije u slučajevima partnerskog nasilja na temelju rezultata istraživanja provedenog u sedam centara za socijalnu skrb u kojem je sudjelovalo dvanaest stručnih radnika s odgovarajućom edukacijom za provođenje obiteljske medijacije. Svrha istraživanja je bila opisati i analizirati iskustva medijatora u procesu obiteljske medijacije s partnerima koji su imali iskustvo nasilja te utvrditi mogućnost njene primjene u takvim slučajevima. Korišten je kvalitativni pristup, a pri analizi prikupljenih podataka primijenjen je postupak tematske analize. Rezultati istraživanja pokazuju da medijatori ističu neke specifičnosti upravljanja procesom medijacije s partnerima koji su imali iskustvo nasilja po pitanju sigurnosti procesa, uspostave ravnoteže moći i konstruktivnog dijaloga strana u medijaciji, što zahtijeva od medijatora primjenu određenih tehnika i vještina. Također, rezultati istraživanja govore u prilog tome da medijatori percipiraju mogućnost provođenja obiteljske medijacije s partnerima koji su imali iskustvo nasilja pri čemu pored temeljnih pretpostavki za provođenje medijacije ističu nužnost uvažavanja i specifičnih pretpostavki poput vremenske distance od nasilja, utjecaja nasilja na žrtvu, stvaranja sigurnih uvjeta, dobre educiranosti medijatora te primjene nekih procedura koje bi trebalo provesti po pitanju procjene nasilja, sigurnosti i odabira modela medijacije. ; The paper presents the experience of mediators in the family mediation process in the cases of violence in partner relationships based on the results of a research conducted in seven social welfare centres in which twelve experts adequately trained for the implementation of family mediation participated. The aim of the research was to describe and analyse the experience of the mediators in the family mediation process with the partners who had experienced violence and to determine the possibility of its application in such cases. The qualitative approach was used, and the procedure of topic analysis was used. The research results show that the mediators point out some specific features of the management of the mediation process with the partners who have experienced violence with regard to the safety of the process, establishment of the balance of power and a constructive dialogue of the parties in mediation, which demands the mediators to apply certain techniques and skills. Additionally, the results of the research indicate that the mediators perceive the possibility to implement family mediation with the partners who have experienced violence and that, apart from the basic prerequisites for the implementation of mediation, they emphasise the necessity to recognise the specific prerequisites, such as the time distance from violence, the influence of violence on the victim, creation of safe conditions, good level of the mediators' education and the application of some procedures which should be conducted in terms of the assessment of violence, safety and selection of the mediation model