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The paper explains various aspects of the local electoral process in the Republic of Moldova.

Thanks to theoretical advances in the natural sciences and the decreased cost of computer technology, computational modeling is becoming an increasingly popular tool in the social sciences. Due to its relative novelty and somewhat marginal position in most disciplines, however, research of this kind has primarily focused on methodological challenges posed by applications to social phenomena. By contrast, the method's theoretical foundations are still relatively poorly understood and many theoretical possibilities remain unexplored by computational scholars. At the same time, social theorists, following in the footsteps of Georg Simmel's pioneering contributions a century ago, have developed a process-based research tradition that anticipates the scientific practices of today's computer-based research. In short, if the sociological process theorists have been computational modelers avant la lettre, the latter can be seen as process theorists "après la lettre".

本文研究了香港佔領運動的政治過程。通過深入訪談和檔案資料,本文認為香港的佔領運動的特點是各持份者之間存在錯誤認知,溝通失當以及不恰當的應對方法。運動最合適的定義是憲制性不服從,而不是運動領袖所聲稱的公民不服從。 ; 在強烈的不滿以及感知到的政治機會的驅動下,佔領中環的領袖在2013年初發起了佔中運動,並且以"公民抗命"作為運動框釋。為了能夠得出權威的方案,並且在政改中由公民社會領導政治社會,運動組織了一系列"商討日"。但參與者的自我選擇使得商討日成為事實上的運動動員。商討日逐漸被激進政治力量主導,而溫和民主派被疏遠。 ; 中國政府把佔領中環運動視為對香港管治權的爭奪。因為溝通失當和對外國干預的恐懼,中國政府做出了過度回應。首先是通過白皮書嘗試重新解讀憲政秩序,其後人大常委做出決定,提出一個有政治篩選的選舉框架。中國政府的決定被香港市民視為其對民主和自治承諾的背叛。 ; 學生其後介入並且開展了一場學生運動,並最終發展為雨傘運動。學聯首先發起了罷課並且以"命運自決"作為主要框釋,指責基本法繼承了殖民地時代的政治經濟制度,把香港二次殖民。在雨傘運動爆發後,大部分示威者,包括學生領袖,在和政府比拼對憲制性文件的理解,進行一場憲制性不服從。當運動參與在初期到達巔峰後,示威者嘗試通過抗爭策略的升級和尋求潛在的精英同盟來維持運動,但這些努力沒有奏效。在一開始的鎮壓失敗後,政府採用了拖延消耗的策略。政府最後通過禁制令使運動終結,因為司法體系仍然保持了認受性,同時大部分示威者不願意挑戰法治。 ; 本文認為佔領運動最適合被歸類為憲制性不服從。示威者遵從一國兩制的憲政秩序,但試圖通過對憲制文件的解讀,為基本法對民主權利的一些關鍵限制鬆綁。憲制性不服從接受憲政秩序和司法機構的權威,但不接受政治制度的合法性。憲制性不服從可以發生在一種獨特的政體-自由不民主。在自由不民主政體,公民自由,法治,憲政主義已經確立,司法機構得到廣泛尊重,但一個有認受性的民主政府還沒有被確立。這個新名詞可以對理解轉型國家和後殖民地區的抗爭作出新的貢獻。 ; This dissertation studies the political process of the Occupy Movement in Hong Kong. Drawing on in-depth interviews and archival research, this study argues the movement is characterized as the misperceptions, miscommunications, and mistreatments among the main stakeholders. The movement is best defined as constitutional disobedience, instead of civil disobedience as claimed by movement leaders. ; Driven by the strong grievance and perceived political opportunity, the leaders of Occupy Central started the campaign in early 2013 and framed it as a "civil disobedience" movement. Aiming at figuring out an authoritative proposal and letting the civil society lead political parties in the political reform, the campaign organized a series of "deliberation days", yet the self-selection of the participants made the DDays become de facto movement mobilization. The DDays were gradually dominated by radical political forces that alienated moderate democrats. ; The Chinese government perceived the Occupy Central campaign as a struggle for the governing power in Hong Kong. With the miscommunication and the fear of foreign intervention, the Chinese government over-reacted by ...

Brian Chan Hok-shing. ; Thesis (M.A.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1992. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Abstract ; Acknowledgements ; Chapter 1. --- Introduction ; Chapter 1.1 --- "Defining ""Code´ؤmixing""" ; Chapter 1.2 --- Code-mixing in Hong Kong ; Chapter 1.3 --- Aims and Objectives ; Chapter 2. --- Syntactic Constraints on CM ; Chapter 2.1 --- Language-universal constraints ; Chapter 2.1.1 --- The Free Morpheme constraint ; Chapter 2.1.2 --- The Equivalence constraint ; Chapter 2.1.3 --- The Government constraint ; Chapter 2.1.4 --- The Matrix Code Principle ; Chapter 2.1.5 --- The Dual Structure Principle ; Chapter 2.2 --- Language´ؤspecific constraints ; Chapter 2.2.1 --- """Closed-Class"" word constraint" ; Chapter 2.2.2 --- "The ""fragment"" constraint" ; Chapter 2.2.3 --- "The ""innermost"" constituent constraint" ; Chapter 3. --- A Linguistic Description of Cantonese -English code- mixing ; Chapter 3.1 --- Data ; Chapter 3.2 --- The major patterns and the minor patterns ; Chapter 3.3 --- The major patterns: single word cases ; Chapter 3.3.1 --- Verb-mixing ; Chapter 3.3.2 --- Noun-mixing ; Chapter 3.3.3 --- Adjective or adverb-mixing ; Chapter 3.3.4 --- Preposition or conjunction-mixing ; Chapter 3.4 --- The minor patterns: fragments ; Chapter 3.4.1 --- Form and structure ; Chapter 3.4.2 --- Cantonese fragments under English phrase structure ; Chapter 4. --- Critique of the major constraints and principles ; Chapter 4.1 --- The Free Morpheme constraint ; Chapter 4.2 --- The Equivalence constraint ; Chapter 4.3 --- The Government constraint ; Chapter 4.4 --- The Matrix Code principle ; Chapter 4.5 --- The Dual Structure principle ; Chapter 5. --- Revised constraints ; Chapter 5.1 --- The Category Equivalence constraint ; Chapter 5.1.1 --- Generalizations from the patterns ; Chapter 5.1.2 --- Rationale of the Category Equivalence constraint ; Chapter 5.1.3 --- Categorical non-equivalence ; Chapter 5.1.4 --- Insufficiency ; Chapter 5.2 --- The Bound Morpheme constraint ; Chapter 5.3 --- ...

by Tom Wood Kon. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1999. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 217-232). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Chapter Chapter One: --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- The Substantive Problem: Women's Disadvantageous Position in Educationin China before 1842 --- p.2 ; Chapter 1.2 --- Context of the Study: Education for Girls in Guangdong in 1930s --- p.4 ; Chapter 1.2.1 --- Political Environment in 1930 China --- p.6 ; Chapter 1.2.2 --- Economic Conditions --- p.8 ; Chapter 1.2.3 --- Education in Rural Areas --- p.10 ; Chapter 1.2.4 --- Guangdong in the 1930s --- p.11 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Perspectives of the Study: Symbolic Interactionism --- p.14 ; Chapter 1.4 --- Significance of the Study --- p.15 ; Chapter 1.5 --- Research Questions --- p.15 ; Chapter Chapter Two: --- Theoretical Context of the Study: --- p.18 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Symbolic Interactionism --- p.18 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Sociology of Education: The Processes of Schooling --- p.20 ; Chapter 2.2.1 --- The Deweyan Perspective --- p.20 ; Chapter 2.2.2 --- The Structural-Functionalist Perspective --- p.21 ; Chapter 2.2.3 --- Structural-Functionalist View of Knowledge --- p.22 ; Chapter 2.2.4 --- Schooling and Theories of Reproduction --- p.23 ; Chapter (1) --- Economic-Reproductive Model --- p.23 ; Chapter (2) --- Cultural-Reproductive Model --- p.23 ; Chapter (3) --- Hegemonic-State Reproductive Model --- p.24 ; Chapter 2.2.5 --- Schooling and the Theories of Resistance --- p.26 ; Chapter 2.2.6 --- The New Sociology of Education --- p.27 ; Chapter 2.2.7 --- Paulo Freire's View on Schooling Process --- p.32 ; Chapter 2.3 --- Benefits of Schooling --- p.33 ; Chapter 2.3.1 --- Structural-Functionalist Theory --- p.34 ; Chapter 2.3.2 --- Human Capital Theory --- p.36 ; Chapter 2.3.3 --- Education and State Formation --- p.38 ; Chapter 2.3.4 --- Benefits from Individual Points of View --- p.40 ; Chapter 2.4 --- The Question of Applicability --- p.42 ; Chapter Chapter Three: --- Historical Context of ...

本研究針對三個重要層面(論述、鬥爭和情感的過程)進行探索,討論社會運動中反對勢力框架的建構和發展。本文將先探討社會運動如何在論述層面上建構框架,令運動框架取得認受性並挑戰主流霸權論述;是次研究亦會討論互聯網時代如何影響框架爭奪戰的進行;最後,本文將分析框架美學化的現象如何影響社會運動的動員。本研究以香港的菜園村抗爭運動作為案例,並採用文本分析、訪問及參與式觀察等研究方法。 ; 本文旨在擴充框架分析的討論層面:除探討其認知層面外,本文更試圖討論框架建構中被忽略的面向:情感性層面。此外,本文亦會分析框架爭奪戰的場境如何在互聯網時代被擴大。 ; 在認知層面上,本文發現在論述性的框架建構過程中,若框架的理念能充分回應社會、政治及文化上的斷裂,框架動員力便會提高。此外,在運動過程中,策略性的框架轉化亦有助號召不同界別的群體參與。 ; 在鬥爭層面上,本文指出在互聯網時代,社會運動與政府、主流傳媒進行框架爭奪戰的場境已被伸延及擴大。而互聯網所造就的分散式競爭能量及沉積性網絡結構則對運動於框架爭奪戰過程中有利。 ; 最後,在情感層面上,本文認為近年社會運動中採用的美學化運動手段,有助運動在情感和道德價值上動員群聚,因美學化的框架不單有助社會運動鞏固其內部聯繫,對民眾整體都有吸引力。 ; This study investigates the construction and development of opposition frames in a social movement by exploring three important dimensions: the discursive, contested, and affective processes. This study first elucidates how counter-frames can be discursively constructed to gain legitimacy in challenging the dominant hegemonic belief. Second, the study reviews how the framing processes have been influenced by the Internet in the digital era. Finally, it investigates how the aestheticization of frames relates to the affective mobilization of a movement. These questions were addressed through the case of the Tsoi Yuen resistance movement, a two-year struggle in Hong Kong. To this end, textual analysis, interviews, and participant observations are employed. ; This study seeks to elaborate upon the framing perspective by discussing not only the cognitive meaning alignment processes, but also expanding the theoretical discussion in the affective dimension of framing, which is an under-explored area. In addition, it contributes to the investigation of the expanded frame contestations in the Internet era. ; On the cognitive level, this thesis argues that the discursive framing strategies have worked best when meanings are activated by exploiting the social, political, and cultural cleavages in post-colonial Hong Kong. In addition, the transformation of framing strategies can facilitate mobilizations across a variety of groups of targets when different cleavages are echoed. ; For the ...

The article submit to the multidimensional analysis of the degree of security sector reform, its modernization according to the requirements of the European structures, the level of the civic control of the security bodies. The same context is attributed to the analysis of national risks and vulnerabilities, of the potential of the state's investment in security institutions and the interest of political power, that is, of the governing parties to control the security institutions, the improvement of the crisis management mechanism, the realistic risk assessment. It is certain that, due to the external conditionality, in order to fulfill the requirements of the Association Agreement with the EU, the national security system of the Republic of Moldova is in a continuous transformation through reform and modernization both vertically, related to the subordination of the national security bodies and the extension of functional competences, as well as horizontally, referring to internal institutional restructuring and the limitation of the opening of these institutions to civil society.

This article examines the influence of the soft power on the process of ensuring the national interests of the Russian Federation and the Republic of Moldova. The author determines soft power as an important mean of securing national interests, an essential component of the process of realizing relations between states, deducting that soft power contributes to the foundation and promotion of national interests, the consolidation of stability, of order and peace and the creation of a positive image of the state on the international arena. Taking into consideration that the concept of soft power has developed, gaining a legal foundation in the Russian Federation quite recently, the importance of research on the subject is growing to follow how this concept has been defined and how its own action plan is developed and materialized without adapting the Western templates to Russian realities. The research of the soft power role in promoting the national interests of the Republic of Moldova stems from the fact that our state requires a clarification of the foreign policy objectives and their means of realization, a determination of the role of soft power, its specificity and its efficiency in the transmission of values by a democratic and modern state to other actors of the international process.

In the article the author tackles a contemporary issue that is important for institutional strengthening of the Republic of Moldova. Developing a mechanism for efficient interaction of institutions of state power with political parties, ruling ones and in opposition, with the groups of interests, especially those institutional and associative, represents a strategic objective for the Republic of Moldova. Assessing institutions with "rules of the game", the contemporary political science updates the significance of the Constitution for organisation and good unfolding of the political process, for ensuring stability and at the same time dynamism of the socio-political system. The conclusions of the investigation of complex issues like dynamic political processes, functionality of political institutions in conditions of instability / political crisis, contain an educational, instructive message, important for the political actors of the Moldovan society.

本文闡述香港確立一夫一妻婚姻制度的經過,說明殖民地政府、支持或反對廢妾的人士或組織之間的互動及論辯,並解釋立法廢妾的緩慢進程。 ; 爭取立法廢妾的進程可分為三個階段。第一階段(1948-1956年)始於史德鄰委員會的成立,該會研究修訂華人婚姻法例,建議政府立例在指定日期後禁止納妾。由於殖民地政府視婚姻制度為華人事務,未有積極推動改革,而且政府依賴男性華人精英管理華人社區,而當時華人精英納妾風氣盛行,政府根本難以杜絶此風,加上華人精英代表羅文錦大力反對廢妾,政府正好藉此擱置婚姻改革。 ; 此外,從有關廢妾的論述看,社會上性別平等意識滯後,婦女團體將妾侍問題歸咎於女子的責任;有男性華人精英認為妾侍可以延嗣及侍疾。惟亦有持開明思想的男性華人同情妾侍的處境,主張立法革除不合時宜的習俗,但這種聲音仍未足以帶來太大改變。 ; 在廢妾進程的第二階段(1957-1964)中,婦女團體不滿殖民地政府擱置婚姻條例改革,她們積極推動廢妾的工作。殖民地政府於是委任華民政務司展開第二次研究工作,惟有關報告竟建議政府應任由妾侍制度自然死亡,故政府沒有展開任何立法廢妾的行動。但婦女團體的性別平等意識已有所提高,她們批評男子濫用妾侍制度及政府施政不公,並採用社會平等的觀念以合理化廢妾要求。 ; 六十年代中,立法廢妾工作進入第三階段(1965-1971)。英國簽署聯合國條約及人權宣言,使殖民地政府深感改革華人婚姻制度的迫切性。遂委任爭取廢妾的婦女團體領袖-李曹秀群-為立法局議員,於建制內推動廢妾工作,包括游說其他議員、爭取新界居民支持改革及修改法例用辭等。 ; 「六七暴動」令立法廢妾的工作受阻,但事件改變了殖民地政府管治香港的模式,華民政務司易名為民政司,意味著昔日政府不干預華人習俗的理由不再存在。同時,華人婚姻家庭觀念改變,女性教育及經濟地位提升,加上社會推崇節育優生,令納妾的需求降低。至於輿論方面,反對廢妾的聲音紛紜,而支持廢妾者則不再只針對妾侍本人,轉而強調妾侍制度對女性的不公及所造成的歧視。一九七零年,立法局通過〈婚姻修訂條例〉,翌年生效,正式廢除妾侍制度,確立一夫一妻制,漫長的爭取廢妾過程于焉告終,惟其遲緩曲折關乎殖民地統治模式及其性別意涵,值得深究。 ; 本文嘗試從殖民地政府對華人的管治方式及性別角度,解釋香港立法廢妾來遲的因由。對有關論述作者採文本分析法,透過對政府與支持及反對廢妾者的言論內容、修辭技巧等方面的分析,展示出不同時期中有關人士或組織的立場,並指出他們採用哪些策略來增強說服力。論文也結合時代背景和殖民地社會變化,揭示在各階段中出現各種不同論述的語境。 ; 總括而言,香港在爭取立法廢妾的過程中,婦女團體面對來自殖民地政府及華人男性精英的壓力,也因內部的不團結和策略的局限性,以及參政力薄的弱點,成效不彰,整個過程特別漫長。直至殖民地政府對華人的管治方式在各種内外衝擊下發生變化,而香港在社會、教育、經濟和政制上的發展,也配合家庭、婚姻和性別觀念的轉變及婦女團體的成長,帶來突破,妾侍制度才終於正式廢除。 ; This study illustrates the process of the abolishment of concubinage in Hong Kong and analyzes the interactions and debates between the colonial government and different social groups for or against the Chinese custom of concubine keeping. ; The process of abolition of concubinage can be divided into three phases. The first phase (1948-1956) began with the establishment of the Strickland Committee to study the need to revise the Chinese marriage law. The committee proposed legislation against concubinage, but the government shelved the reform using the excuse of the objection of Lo Man-kam, a renowned representative of the Chinese community. As the colonial government treated the reform of marriage system as the colonized Chinese's own business and relied on the ...

Secessionism is one of the important challenges in many contemporary societies. Sovereignty, International and domestic law, and human rights are only three concepts that could be affected by the emergence of secessionist dynamics. This article investigates the evolution of Catalan secessionist movement after the 2017 independence referendum. It uses process tracing to analyze the events that coincide with the evolution of the Catalan secessionist movement. The main findings reveal that while the EU does not encourage these kinds of movements, it does not agree with the solutions adopted by the Spanish's Central Government to solve the Catalan situation, and condemns the violation of human rights. Also, the Catalan independence movement can stimulate similar dynamics across other countries, which are not favourable to the EU cohesion.

The last years of World War II have brought, per ensemble, complex problems for the "Regele Ferdinand I" University, which, after the Vienna Treaty of 1940, has been functioning in exile from Sibiu and Timişoara. From 1944 the model of the modern University of Cluj was brutally converted to an instrument of propaganda for a communist ideology, far fetched from its original nationalistic vocation. The period of transition from democracy to totalitarianism, 1944-1947, was marked by a series of events such as: the beginning of the process of politicization within the University of Cluj, the problems related to the foundation of "Bolyai" University, the return in 1945 of the University to its original sight from Cluj, the students strikes in January-June 1946, the university repression generally speaking, and particularly the repressions of students, and, last but not least, the debates of the University Senate concerning the politicization of the academic environment and the dismissal of some "compromised" members of the teaching staff. After 1944, the communists were interested in eliminating all political rivals, therefore the dismissal threats, followed by the contractions within the Departments of the University of Cluj, became a cruel reality between 1944-1948. Like all the other Romanian universities, the Cluj University began compiling "expurgation" dossiers for the so called "fascist" university professors, and substituting the old rectors and deans with new ones from amongst those who had adapted to the "new age". The public stand of the academics has gradually declined after 1944, when their life and activity has been brought to challenge, the changing values after March 1945 favouring the devotion towards the new regime, and praising less and less the academic fulfilment. On the background of "democratic" reforms, the new regime authorities have intensified the brutal isolation, especially of scholars among which a great number of university professors, by means of massive arrests. The most invoked reasons were: denigration of the power of the state, opposition to the construction of socialism, or the need to re-educate the "hostile" elements from within the Popular Republic of Romania.

The spatial planning of land use is the process of allocating different uses or activities to specific areas in a region and is the core content of land use planning systems. Land use planning is increasingly becoming complex because of the multifaceted problems it faces, such as guaranteeing economic growth, maintaining social equity, and preserving the environment. These objectives present conflicting demands from various land use groups and interest groups. The increased inclusion of objectives leads to different demands on the expected results. Moreover, the increased complexity of land use planning problems is influenced by the involvement and definition of multiple objectives. These objectives may be unstructured, nonlinear, and difficult to handle. Within this context, computer-based techniques have been developed to assist planners in decision making. Among all of the techniques, multi-objective optimization (MOO) approaches are the most well-known techniques in addressing multi-objective problems in land use planning. MOO approaches have successfully accomplished significant achievements. However, literature shows that some spatially-related environmental objectives, such as carbon emission, non-point source pollution, and soil erosion, are missing because of the difficulty in evaluating, analyzing, and measuring such complex land use objectives. ; The land use planning process in China is divided into a series of land use plans at different levels. Among these plans, the municipal overall land use plan and the urban master plan are involved in managing the land use resources in a city. The municipal overall land use plan administers the urban and non-urban areas in an administrative scope, whereas the urban master plan focuses only on the development of urban areas. These two types of land use plans are conducted by two different government departments. These plans are usually inconsistent, particularly in terms of space. ; Considering the spatial inconsistency between the municipal overall land use ...