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Bristol wine bar KASK has measures in place to keep customers and staff safe during the COVID-19 pandemic, including NHS Test and Trace.

LdN185 Staat mildert Beschränkungen, Tracing-Apps, Verschwörungs-Videos, Demonstrationsfreiheit, Flüchtlinge im Mittelmeer

Sponsor: #wirspielennichtmit (Klage gegen EON und REW bei www.wir-spielen-nicht-mit.de)

Philip und Ulf sprechen geben ein Corona-Update und ziehen eine Bilanz über die Abwrackpremie.

Call for Papers for a Conference at Göttingen University on April 3–5, 2024. Deadline: October 31, 2023

"Fed officials may worry that the disinflation process has stalled. For this reason, the latest data likely increases uncertainty about the future course of monetary policy." ~ William J. Luther

Today, we are pleased to announce the launch of DSIT's Portfolio of AI Assurance Techniques. The portfolio features a range of case studies illustrating various AI assurance techniques being used in the real-world to support the development of trustworthy AI. …

The 2024 independent intelligence review's terms of reference affirm that recruitment is a challenge for Australia's national intelligence agencies. The review's remit includes evaluating whether agencies' workforce decisions reflect a sufficiently strategic response to current ...

An initiative process isn't a bad thing. Yet HB 165 by
Democrat state Rep. Mandie Landry that
would introduce
this tool of direct democracy doesn't get that job done and needs significant
improvement to merit its passage.

The bill would add to the Constitution an initiative
procedure to allow a popular vote to pass a law, repeal a law, or amend the
Constitution. Such an idea works well when a sufficient mass of the public
desires one of these things, as the Legislature may find itself pressured by special
interests to keep things from entering code. After all, even a well-funded
special interest will find it much easier to exert pressure on just 144 legislators
rather than a couple of million voters.

But problematically, Landry's bill doesn't define
these parameters and leaves these in the hands of the Legislature. If going to
the trouble of amending the Constitution, exactitude is necessary. A review
of the states that allow for an initiative process shows about half do so, and
of those for altering statute the median is 10 percent of votes cast for
governor in the previous election. Most also have geographic requirements that
ensure at least some broad-based assent across their states.

At the very least, the bill should specify a
minimum proportion of the electorate to put something in front of voters for
both a statute and changing the constitution (whether for each implementation or
retraction). Leaving it to the Legislature to provide such parameters likely
would result in too restrictive ones, to safeguard its status as gatekeeper of promulgating
a legal code.

These strictures should not be heavy-handed, but
at the same time not trivial to prevent frivolity from going before voters. A
standard for signatures of 15 percent of the vote in the last general election for
governor, president, or senator, whichever is most recent, should suffice for
statute (insertion or repeal) with a minimum of 10 percent in each congressional
district, and for an amendment 20 percent statewide with a minimum of 15 percent
per congressional district.

These, of course, only put on the ballot a matter
for statute, amendment, or repeal of either. Any bill also should in the
constitutional amendment specific a double majority for enactment; i.e. a
simple majority of those voting for passage but also that the entire electorate
voting on the measure comprise at least half of all registered voters. This
ensures substantial citizen participation in the process.Adding referendum power, or citizen approval of a legislative
action beyond an amendment (Louisiana's amendment process essentially is a
referendum) also is accomplished by such standards. These would add by popular
discretion review of laws passed. The only thing needing elaboration and
elucidation by the Legislature would be exact procedures for petitioning, verification,
etc. as the amendment also should specify a 180-day gathering period for
signatures and its ratification attempt at the next regular statewide election after
its validation.

Citizens should be able to circumvent a
recalcitrant Legislature in proposing laws or amendments or wiping either off
the books. At the same time, such a power cannot advantage narrow special
interests. A constitutional amendment adhering to the above stipulations fulfills
both necessities.

Call for Papers for a Conference Session in Leiden, Netherlands on March 25–29, 2025. Deadline: April 10, 2024

It must be acknowledged: in Italy, a judgment such as that delivered by the German Federal Constitutional Court on 24 January 2023 on party financing is currently constitutional science fiction. The Italian constitutional judges have never theorised, unlike their German colleagues, the need for closer scrutiny in certain matters where a 'conflict of interest' of the legislature can be discerned. This also partly reflects a different understanding of their own role within the constitutional system.

Current trends in the academic job market paint a bleak picture. Data from U.S. universities reveal a drop in job postings in the Politics field over the past three years and a decline in tenure-track positions over the last decade. For 2021-22, APSA reported that 53.12% of job listings were non-tenure track. Meanwhile, in the […]