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In recent years, a range of new indices, benchmarking and scorecard tools—also known as 'indicators'—have been developed to influence public policy and to pro- mote accountability. While subjected to important technical and political critiques, the policy impact of 'indicators' is often assumed yet rarely demonstrated. Suitable evaluative methods are in their infancy. This article adopts an innovative process tracing analysis to assess the policy impact of the Hunger And Nutrition Commit- ment Index (HANCI) in Bangladesh, Malawi, Nepal, Zambia and globally. We pre- sent a rare and empirically rich application of this systematic qualitative evaluative method. We further contribute to the theorisation of 'indicators' by positing a central role for equitable producer–user relations in mediating policy impact, and demon- strate that such relations can overcome significant political critiques on 'indicators'. Publishers Note: Due to a production process error the original version of this paper was inadvertently published without Open Access. We apologise to the author that this was not applied before first publication. No other changes have been made to the content.

This article explores the practical challenges one faces when combining Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA) and Process-tracing (PT) in a manner that is consistent with their underlying assumptions about the nature of causal relationships. While PT builds on a mechanism-based understanding of causation, QCA as a comparative method makes claims about counterfactual causal relationships. The consequence of this is that the analyst is forced to choose whether to be more in alignment with one or the other method. The article proceeds in four steps, exploring the challenges and opportunities resulting from two different understandings of causation underlying QCA and PT. The article first presents the research area used to explore the practical challenges of combining the two methods. I investigate the causes of congruence between what voters want and government positions in EU constitutional negotiations, part of the broader phenomenon of the representation of voter views in public policies. The section develops a range of potential causes for congruence from the existing literature. Second, using a QCA-first design I undertake a fsQCA analysis of sufficiency. Utilized in a theory-building fashion, I investigate whether the potential causes identified in the literature form conjunctions of conditions that are together sufficient to produce congruence between voter views and governmental positions. The article only finds one conjunction that is robust: the combination of PR systems and the EU being a highly salient issue in domestic politics (electoral connection). Third, the article engages in a PT case study of two positive cases of the electoral connection conjunction. At the theoretical level, gaming through a causal mechanism for the conjunction suggests that one of the two terms should better be understood as a scope instead of causal condition, providing a better theoretical understanding of the found conjunction. Issues of case selection are then discussed, finding that a restrictive policy in alignment with QCA tenets results in some promising potential cases being rejected. The actual case studies find some evidence for the presence of the hypothesized mechanism, although when we select a case where another conjunction is also present (referendum), there is stronger evidence for the referendum than electoral connection conjunction. Finally, the conclusion discusses the methodological lessons learned in practice, focusing on the need to justify case selection in terms of whether one is more in alignment with either QCA or PT, and the need to make conclusions that are consistent with the types of inferences made possible by PT case studies, i.e. a mechanism produced by a conjunction is either present or not in a case, with no claims made about its necessity or sufficiency.

This thesis examines urban partition in Nicosia, the capital of Cyprus, and how its changing roles and shifting perceptions in a post-conflict setting reflect power relations, and their constant renegotiation. Nicosia, the capital of Cyprus, was officially divided in 1974 in the aftermath of an eighteen-year-long conflict between the island's Turkish- and Greek-Cypriot communities. As a result, a heavily militarized Buffer Zone, established as an emergency measure against perpetuation of intercommunal violence, has been cutting through its historic centre ever since. This thesis departs from a genuine interest in the material and ideational dimensions of urban partition. How is it constructed, not merely in physical terms but in the minds of the societies affected by conflict? How is it established in official and everyday discourses? What kinds of mechanisms have been developed to maintain it, and make an inseparable part of the urban experience? Moreover, taking into account the consensus in relevant literature pertaining to the imperative for its removal, this thesis is inquiring into the relevance of peace agreements to overcoming urban partition. For this purpose, it also looks at narratives and practices that have attempted to contest it. The examples examined in this thesis offer pregnant analytical moments to understand Nicosia's Buffer Zone as a dynamic social construct, accommodating multiple visions of and for the city. Its space 'in-between' facilitates encounters between various actors, accommodates new meanings, socio-spatial practices and diverse imaginaries. In this sense, urban partition is explored in this thesis as a phenomenon that transcends scales as well as temporalities, entwining past, present, and future.

It was with considerable pleasure and enthusiasm that I accepted the invitation of Christine Trampuschand Bruno Palier, the editors of this special issue, to respond to their small but excellent collectionof papers on process tracing in political economy. Like them (Trampusch and Palier 2016), I amconvinced that what they and others typically call process tracing can, if appropriately (and, indeed,sparingly) used, help open the black box of causation in social, political and economy systems; it can,in short, help us fashion better explanations of social, political and economic outcomes. I am also convinced,like them, that the clarification of what process tracing actually entails methodologically, as isthe principal aim of this special issue, will help us better make that case.In the, alas, all too limited space I have, I cannot and hence do not seek to provide a detailed commentaryand reflection on each of the papers in this collection. Instead, I will keep my comments verygeneral – using, as my point of departure, the editors' very useful framing essay. I will confine myselfto three appreciative, though at the same time critical yet I hope constructive, observations in thehope of advancing the debate.

It was with considerable pleasure and enthusiasm that I accepted the invitation of Christine Trampuschand Bruno Palier, the editors of this special issue, to respond to their small but excellent collectionof papers on process tracing in political economy. Like them (Trampusch and Palier 2016), I amconvinced that what they and others typically call process tracing can, if appropriately (and, indeed,sparingly) used, help open the black box of causation in social, political and economy systems; it can,in short, help us fashion better explanations of social, political and economic outcomes. I am also convinced,like them, that the clarification of what process tracing actually entails methodologically, as isthe principal aim of this special issue, will help us better make that case.In the, alas, all too limited space I have, I cannot and hence do not seek to provide a detailed commentaryand reflection on each of the papers in this collection. Instead, I will keep my comments verygeneral – using, as my point of departure, the editors' very useful framing essay. I will confine myselfto three appreciative, though at the same time critical yet I hope constructive, observations in thehope of advancing the debate.

It was with considerable pleasure and enthusiasm that I accepted the invitation of Christine Trampuschand Bruno Palier, the editors of this special issue, to respond to their small but excellent collectionof papers on process tracing in political economy. Like them (Trampusch and Palier 2016), I amconvinced that what they and others typically call process tracing can, if appropriately (and, indeed,sparingly) used, help open the black box of causation in social, political and economy systems; it can,in short, help us fashion better explanations of social, political and economic outcomes. I am also convinced,like them, that the clarification of what process tracing actually entails methodologically, as isthe principal aim of this special issue, will help us better make that case.In the, alas, all too limited space I have, I cannot and hence do not seek to provide a detailed commentaryand reflection on each of the papers in this collection. Instead, I will keep my comments verygeneral – using, as my point of departure, the editors' very useful framing essay. I will confine myselfto three appreciative, though at the same time critical yet I hope constructive, observations in thehope of advancing the debate.

Political scientists frequently use qualitative evidence to support or evaluate the empirical applicability of formal models. Despite this widespread practice, neither the qualitative methods literature nor research on empirically evaluating formal models systematically address the topic. This article makes three contributions to bridge this gap. First, it demonstrates that formal models and qualitative evidence are indeed frequently combined in current research. Second, it shows how process tracing can be as important a tool for empirically assessing models as statistical testing, because models and process tracing share a common focus on understanding causal mechanisms. Last, it provides new guidelines for using process tracing that focus on issues specific to the modeling enterprise, illustrated with examples from recent research.

This paper presents the results of a process tracing study of digital transformationin Denmark. The study is part of a European Horizon 2020 project entitled Co-Val (Understanding value co-creation in public services for transforming European public administrations). The paper traces the development of policies and stakeholders involvement that have contributed to achieving the digital transformation in Denmark's public administration as it is reflected by the current DESI index over the last two decades [1]. The study uses a qualitative methodology in the form of case study [2]. In particular, a longitudinal case study and process tracing methodology is used. The data are secondary data consisting of digital transformation strategies, policies and related documents and press releases retrieved on governmental websites. The case study provides an overview of Denmark's digitalization position in relation to the rest of EU, the basic digital policies and strategies that the Danish government has undertaken over the last two decades as well as an account of the key stakeholders involved in such a process. The case study is important because it sheds light on the digital transformation process in the most advanced country according to the DESI Index and therefore it presents some lessons other countries might learn from. ; This paper presents the results of a process tracing study of digital transformation in Denmark. The study is part of a European Horizon 2020 project entitled Co-Val (Understanding value co-creation in public services for transforming European public administrations). The paper traces the development of policies and stakeholders involvement that have contributed to achieving the digital transformation in Denmark's public administration as it is reflected by the current DESI index over the last two decades [1]. The study uses a qualitative methodology in the form of case study [2]. In particular, a longitudinal case study and process tracing methodology is used. The data are secondary data consisting of digital transformation strategies, policies and related documents and press releases retrieved on governmental websites. The case study provides an overview of Denmark's digitalization position in relation to the rest of EU, the basic digital policies and strategies that the Danish government has undertaken over the last two decades as well as an account of the key stakeholders involved in such a process. The case study is important because it sheds light on the digital transformation process in the most advanced country according to the DESI Index and therefore it presents some lessons other countries might learn from.

__Abstract__ Co-creation with citizens is a promising concept in order to explore new approaches for rather 'wicked' societal challenges in a context of financial austerity, ageing and decreasing trust in public institutions. So far, most research to public co-creation and co-production have been focused on the identification of influential factors to co-creation processes in which citizens are involved as co-implementer of public services. Our primary goal is to examine how these influential factors influence the establishment of successful co-creation arrangements, between citizens and (local) governments, when citizens are involved as initiator or co-designer of co-creation initiatives. The second goal is to test and classify known influential factors on their explanatory strength for the establishment of public co-creation. In order to analyze the relation between the success of co-creation and these factors, we conducted a qualitative case-study of two exemplary examples of public co-creation, in which we used the method of process tracing. In doing so we were able to systematically examine what the most influential factors are to public co-creation and whether possible alternative explanations may be important. We found that our current understanding of the underlying mechanisms to public co-creation does not always cover the empirical reality. Our analysis show that successful co-creation does not so much depends on the efforts of public officials and the extent in which public organizations are adapted to co-creation. Rather, it seems to depend on the willingness, social capital and the ability to create a smoothly running organization of citizens. Remarkable is that this willingness is primarily based on whether citizens ar

".complements 07-2 Brigade planning process special study and offers tactics, techniques, and procedures (TTP) . that have been used by deployed warfighting units over the past three years. Situational awareness and understanding on complex operational environments encountered in stability operations and counterinsurgency are assessment driven. Integration of information operations and civil-military operations cannot be full achieved unless they are synchronized in the military decision making process"--P. [2] of cover. ; "No. 07-3"--Cover. ; Companion volume to CALL special study no. 07-2 Brigade planning process. ; ".Should not be necessarily construed as approved Army policy or doctrine"--P. ii. ; Text on p. [2] of cover. ; Part of the U.S. Army lessons learned documentation. ; "Oct 06." ; Cover title. ; "Special study"--Cover. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; ".complements 07-2 Brigade planning process special study and offers tactics, techniques, and procedures (TTP) . that have been used by deployed warfighting units over the past three years. Situational awareness and understanding on complex operational environments encountered in stability operations and counterinsurgency are assessment driven. Integration of information operations and civil-military operations cannot be full achieved unless they are synchronized in the military decision making process"--P. [2] of cover. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Defense date: 08/02/2008 ; Examining Board: Rainer Bauböck (EUI), Richard Bellamy (University College, London), Fritz Kratochwil (EUI) (Supervisor), Antje Wiener (Univ. Bath) ; This thesis asks what kind of conception(s) of citizenship that have emerged over time within the European integration process. The starting point for this research aim is a critique of the existing literature on European citizenship. Research on European citizenship has tended to fall into a sceptical strand relying on the nation-state model of citizenship (often called the no demos position) or a more visionary strand which interprets the developments of rights on the EU level as a postnational disconnection of citizenship from nationality. These normative strands have tended to translate the question of 'what should it be?' into factual statements on what citizenship in the EU actually is. This thesis has sought to overcome this through a theoretically informed, yet empirically oriented study of how conceptions of European citizenship have developed. Theoretically, the thesis eschews the typical model approach of citizenship studies. It does so by focusing on citizenship as a status of individuals constituted through four analytically distinct, yet potentially inter-related dimensions: membership, rights, participation and identity. This provides a dynamic theory of citizenship where the appearance of and relationship between dimensions is not settled a priori, but rather needs to be scrutinised in practice. Empirically, therefore, these dimensions are utilised in order to ascertain how citizenship has been conceived on two levels of EU integrative politics. The first level is practices of policy- and law-making, starting with the founding treaties of the 1950s and ending with the post-Maastricht debates on Union citizenship. The second level is three instances of constitution-making importance within European integration: the Spinelli Project of the European Parliament, the Maastricht Process and the Convention on the Future of Europe. Methodologically, the analytical assessment of European citizenship discourse is provided on the basis of a process tracing exercise geared towards highlighting the crucial junctures of appearance, consolidation, and/or change with regard to the concept of citizenship. The main conclusion is that European citizenship discourse has created a conception of transnational citizenship, rather than postnational membership. This is visible on both empirical levels. The inherent transnationalism of European citizenship is found to have been initiated already in the founding ECSC and Rome Treaties. Citizenship elements in early European integration, such as free movement, market participation and, later, membership based on nationality in a Member State, created a frame upon which ensuing conceptions of citizenship developed. There were proposals for alternative conceptions based on a stronger notion of a more free-standing European status, for instance in elections to the EP, and more radical ideas of membership through dual European and national citizenship within constitution-making instances. Such proposals did, however, not significantly alter the conception of European citizenship as articulated around the border-crossing of Member State citizens. As much as this has highlighted - against the no demos view - that issues of citizenship are not incompatible with institution building and policy-making 'beyond the nation-state', it is also clear that one cannot detect a significant dissociation of citizenship and rights from nationality, as professed by postnationalists. Citizenship has evolved - mainly within policy practices - as a significant status of individuals within European integration through a transnational 'right to have rights' in second countries. Constitution-making instances have on the whole contributed to a consolidation of the basic tenets emanating from policy practices, rather than producing radical 'constitutional moments' of EU citizenship politics. The conceptual path of European citizenship discourse has, therefore, brought forward a conception based on a core principle of 'no rights without movement'; where elements such as political rights on the European and Member State levels, personhood as an additional condition for access to rights, and residence rights have been added as a consequence of evolving policies and practices of European integration.

In dieser Rezension argumentiere ich, dass das Lehrbuch von BENNETT und CHECKEL in mindestens vier Aspekten außerordentlich wertvoll ist: Erstens liefern die Herausgeber bezüglich der Komposition ein Modell dafür, wie ein Sammelband aussehen sollte: Miteinander verbundene Artikel beziehen sich aufeinander, bauen aufeinander auf und streiten mit dem theoretischen Rahmen der Herausgeber. Diese wiederum nehmen die Beiträge in ihrer Schlussfolgerung ernst. Zweitens ist der Band voll mit Beispielen aus der Forschungspraxis. Diese werden nicht nur genannt, sondern in allen Kapiteln ausführlich diskutiert und bezüglich ihres methodologischen Potenzials evaluiert. Obwohl das Lehrbuch die Prozessanalyse verbessern und popularisieren soll, zögern die Herausgeber, drittens, nicht davor zurück, die potenziellen Schwächen des Ansatzes zu besprechen. Viertens kombiniert und überbrückt das Buch verschiedene (zumeist) qualitative Methoden und bewerkstelligt es trotzdem, abstrakte und einfach zugängliche Standards für "gutes" Process Tracing bereitzustellen. Aus diesen Gründen ist es ein Muss für Forschende, die mit qualitativen Methoden arbeiten. Nichtsdestotrotz können BENNETT und CHECKEL ihr Versprechen, positivistische und interpretative Verfahren zusammenzuführen, nicht vollständig halten. Während Letztere zwar in Betracht gezogen werden, lassen die Herausgeber ihr generelles Forschungsprogramm davon relativ unberührt. Dementsprechend kann das Buch insbesondere für Forschende aus dem positivistischen Lager als "How-to"-Guide herhalten, um Forschung zu designen und umzusetzen. Obwohl dies nicht gleichermaßen für interpretativ arbeitende ForscherInnen zutreffen mag, ist das Buch dennoch auch für diese von besonderem Wert. Hierfür sorgen die zahllosen konzeptionellen Klarstellungen und möglichen Stolperfallen von Process Tracing, die in diesem Werk dargestellt werden.URN: http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0114-fqs1503187 ; In this review, I argue that this textbook edited by BENNETT and CHECKEL is exceptionally valuable in at ...

peer-reviewed ; Networks are everywhere. From social networks to ecological networks, transportation networks to the World Wide Web, the existence of groups of units that are interconnected in some manner is ubiquitous in our modern-day world. In many cases, the units that comprise a network can be in one of a finite number of states. The state of a unit can dynamically change over time, and the network connections forming links between the units can facilitate this change in behaviour. Members of a social network, for example, can have a preference for one of a certain number of objects such as a sports team, musical genre or political ideology, and this preference may change as a result of influence from other individuals to which they are linked. The state of the individual units and the state of the group as a whole are intrinsically coupled, and the structure of the network and its complex connectivity patterns can affect group-wide behaviour such as conformity, factions, sustainability and extinction. In this thesis, we delve into the area of dynamical processes on networks where the units of the network can be in one of a multitude of states. The basis of our studies is the probabilistic framework of stochastic processes, reflecting the random nature ever present in natural and man-made phenomena. We develop novel theoretical methods for both Markovian and non-Markovian processes, expressed in terms of arbitrary rate functions that allow for wide applicability. We examine specific cases of stochastic processes from a diverse range of fields including epidemiology, sociology and the physical sciences, providing important contributions to matters of current scrutinous attention. Our work both expands and gives greater understanding to the study of stochastic processes on networks, and provides a unifying framework for the overarching field of complex systems science.

This reply to the Symposium on Stefano Guzzini (ed.) The return of geopolitics in Europe?, answers the criticisms by John Agnew, Jeffrey Checkel, Dan Deudney and Jennifer Mitzen. It justifies (1) its specific definition and critique of geopolitics as a theory – and not just a foreign policy strategy; (2) its proposed interpretivist process tracing; (3) the role of mechanisms in constructivist theorizing and foreign policy theory; and (4) its usage of non-Humean causality in the analysis of multiple parallel processes and their interaction. At the same time, it develops the logic of the book's main mechanism of foreign policy identity crisis reduction.

Nowadays, organizations have to adjust their business processes along with the changing environment in order to maintain a competitive advantage. Changing a part of the system to support the business process implies changing the entire system, which leads to complex redesign activities. In this paper, a bottom-up process mining and simulation-based methodology is proposed to be employed in redesign activities. The methodology starts with identifying relevant performance issues, which are used as basis for redesign. A process model is "mined" and simulated as a representation of the existing situation, followed by the simulation of the redesigned process model as prediction of the future scenario. Finally, the performance criteria of the current business process model and the redesigned business process model are compared such that the potential performance gains of the redesign can be predicted. We illustrate the methodology with three case studies from three different domains: gas industry, government institution and agriculture.