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RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The aim of this article is to explain why the Euro­pean Union perceives globalisation as the challenge for its regional development and how this assumption influences on regional development management. THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: The research problem concerns the issue of globalisation as the process which is estimated by the EU as the opportunity and challenge for its regional development at the same time. As a result the EU develops multi-level political system in which, along sovereign states, there are transnational and subnational political actors which have been engaged in regional development management. The research methods used in the study consist of an institutional and legal analysis of the major policy docu­ments, actors and regional development management instruments that they use. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: The introduction presents the principal methodological assumptions concerning the analysed research area, the applied conceptual approach and the research methods. The main body of the article discusses why the European Union perceives globalisation as the challenge and opportunity for regions' competitiveness. RESEARCH RESULTS: The analysis shows that the scope of competences of the EU with regard to regional development management was laid out in the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union; however, the globalisa­tion affects the formulation of strategic directions of EU actions in this area and implementation of relevant interventions of the European Regional Development Fund and European Social Fund. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS: In accordance to the European Commission globalisation creates conditions and challenges in the scope of regions' economic development. In order to prepare the regions for global competitiveness in the EU, authority is spread among different decision making and implementing levels which have the sources and knowledge required in the process of increasing regions' competitiveness. ; Celem artykułu jest ananliza wpływu procesów globalizacji na zarządzanie rozwojem regionalnym w Unii Europejskiej, w kontekście wzrostu konkurencyjności unijnych regionów w gospodarce globalnej. Problem badawczy odnosi się do określenia zakresu kompetencji odnoszących się do zarządzania rozwojem regionalnym implementowanych na rzecz poprawy ich pozycji konkurencyjnej w gospodarce globalnej. W tym kontekście omówiony został proces umacniania się wielopoziomowego charakteru systemu politycznego UE, w którym obok suwerennych państw, funkcjonują ponadnarodowi i subnarodowi aktorzy polityczni. Wykorzystane metody badawcze obejmują analizę instytucjonalno-prawną, odnoszącą się do głównych aktorów polityki oraz instrumentów zarządzania rozwojem regionalnym przez nich stosowanych, a także ustalenia zawarte w najnowszej literaturze przedmiotu. We wstępie przedstawione zostały jego główne założenia metodologiczne obejmujące analizowany obszar badawczy, wykorzystane podejście koncepcyjne i metody badawcze. W dalszej, zasadniczej części tekstu omówione zostały uwarunkowania kształtowania konkurencyjności regionów w gospodarce globalnej oraz wskazany zakres kompetencji i instrumenty stosowane przez UE na rzecz wzrostu konkurencyjności regionów, z odniesieniem do roli samych regionów w powyższym procesie. Wyniki analizy wskazują, że zakres kompetencji UE w obszarze zarządzania rozwojem regionalnym został określony w Traktacie o Funkcjonowaniu UE, natomiast presja globalnej konkurencyjności ma wpływ na formułowanie strategicznych kierunków działań UE w tym zakresie i podporządkowanie im interwencji Europejski Fundusz Rozowju Regionalnego i Europejski Fundusz Społeczny. Globalizacja kreuje uwarunkowania i wyzwania w zakresie rozwoju gospodarczego regionów. Efektem jej oddziaływania jest redefinicja roli poszczególnych aktorów politycznych w procesach zarządzania rozwojem.

This article concerns the current pre-accession process of Turkey and the question of its prospects. In order to answer this question the author conducts an in-depth analysis of factors that can influence the process on three main levels: EU (i.e. general political and economic situation, EU enlargement policy, EU institutions), member states and Turkey. He wants to verify the hypothesis that although the situation in this candidate country is crucial for the future of Turkey-EU relations, the decisive factors are in the EU and member states. The pre-accession process of Turkey will be continued but its pace and course will depend to a large extent on the position of the main Union's powers, the clear vision of the EU as well as the economic/political situation and public feelings in Europe. ; This article concerns the current pre-accession process of Turkey and the question of its prospects. In order to answer this question the author conducts an in-depth analysis of factors that can influence the process on three main levels: EU (i.e. general political and economic situation, EU enlargement policy, EU institutions), member states and Turkey. He wants to verify the hypothesis that although the situation in this candidate country is crucial for the future of Turkey-EU relations, the decisive factors are in the EU and member states. The pre-accession process of Turkey will be continued but its pace and course will depend to a large extent on the position of the main Union's powers, the clear vision of the EU as well as the economic/political situation and public feelings in Europe.

Guaranteeing the availability of European labour markets constituted a very important element of the Polish foreign policy during the negotiation of conditions under which Poland would become a member of the European Union. At the time of the Polish accession, Poles as citizens of United Europe gained the right to take up legal work in other Member States. This opportunity was taken by Polish young people – "thirdgeneration emigrants" tempted by better earnings and prospects for the future. The proposed text is an attempt to capture migrants' reality in the context of adaptative difficulties experienced by migrants with regard to globalisation-related transformations and the construct of a global teenager. The research results were obtained from two research projects carried out: (1) a research project carried out under the promotional grant in the years 2008-2012 (National Center for Science in Krakow – NN 106 348 140 (grant manager: Prof. Magdalena Piorunek, PhD) under the title: 'Polish emigration and reemigration as an experience. Sociological and pedagogical aspect', the results of which have been published in: Kozielska J., (2014) Post-accession migration. The theoretical and empirical context. Social support. The research sample in the quantitative analysis consisted of 174 persons who emigrated for at least one year and stayed in Poland for at least 6 months from the time of their return to the time of the research. The sample was targeted, and the target group consisted of return emigrants who emigrated during the pre-accession period and decided to stay in a European state rather than a "traditional" country of migration like the United States of America. The quantitative research was supplemented with a qualitative analysis of texts derived from hermeneutic methods, which included online forums (created by and for emigrants, both those who are still abroad and those who are planning to return or have already returned to Poland) and blogs containing fragments of emigrants' biographies; (2) a research project carried out in London and Scotland under the POSTDOC scholarship of the Adam Mickiewicz University "Unique Graduate = Opportunities. An increase in the didactic potential of the Adam Mickiewicz University through proinnovative education in English, interdisciplinariness, e-learning, investment in human resources" under the title: 'Transnational biographical counselling. A paradigm of qualitative research. An in-depth interview – 15 families with children (aged between 3 and 13 years) (2015-2017)'.

2022 marks the 30th anniversary of the Treaty of Good Neighbourhood, Friendly Relations, and Cooperation between Poland and Ukraine. In the presented article, by applying elements of decision analysis, an attempt was made to explain the decision to conclude the Treaty. First, the decision-making centres in Poland and Ukraine, and their awareness with respect to Polish-Ukrainian relations, were presented as three separate circles: public opinion, political parties, and groups of the most important decision-makers. The decision to sign the treaty was possible thanks to the political and intellectual elites who originated in the former communist-era opposition, both in Poland and Ukraine. Those elites convinced the governing circles to accept their conception of foreign policy. In Poland, this was all the easier because people originating directly from those elites formed part of the decision-making bodies. In Ukraine, however, the foreign policy conception of the dissident circles was internalised by the President. Secondly, using the game theory and assuming the rationality of decision-makers, the decision-making process was reconstructed, understood in the category of interactions between two decision-making centres. The two states aimed to conclude a treaty that would satisfy both parties. It can thus be concluded that they demonstrated a readiness to compromise during the negotiations. It can also be assumed that this readiness was slightly asymmetrical in Poland's favour. Ukraine was willing to sacrifice much more in order for the treaty to be negotiated.

artykuł w: Wschód Europy : studia humanistyczno-społeczne Vol. 7, Nr 1 (2021), s. 101-118 ; streszczenia w językach angielskim, polskim, rosyjskim ; artykuł w: Wschód Europy : studia humanistyczno-społeczne Vol. 7, Nr 1 (2021), s. 101-118 ; streszczenia w językach angielskim, polskim, rosyjskim

Artykuł stanowi próbę wprowadzenia refleksji nad procesem radykalizacji do polskiego świata nauki. Autor obszernie omawia różne sposoby definiowania tego procesu oraz dokonuje przeglądu istniejących modeli teoretycznych. Trzon artykułu stanowi analiza danych pochodzących z Europejskiego Sondażu Wartości, w której zbadano związki pomiędzy radykalizacją a cechami społeczno-demograficznymi, przekonaniami politycznymi i gospodarczymi, a także poglądami na temat demokracji.

In a relatively short time the Internet has become one of the main and the most important media of our times. The increasing number of users, as well as the growth of its role and importance in almost every aspect of social and economic life have led in recent years to the intensification of the discussion on the future of the Internet and the way it should be governed. From the very beginning the Internet developed bottom-up without a decision-making center responsible for its development. There are many organizations in the world operating at local, regional and global levels, that focus on different aspects of its operation and development. This process called "Internet governance" is the process within which governments, information and communication technology (ICT) companies and civil society work together to set standards, values, norms and decisions that shape the way we use the World Wide Web. This article attempts to explain this phenomenon, shows the origins of the dispute between the supporters of the multistakeholder model of the Internet governance. It also presents the proposals of some states to strengthen the role of governments in this process and presents the position of the European Union, which in this discussion may play a key role as a mediator in the debate about the future of the Internet governance. ; Internet w stosunkowo krótkim czasie stał się jednym z głównych i najistotniejszych mediów naszych czasów. Wzrastająca liczba jego użytkowników, jak również wzrost jego roli i znaczenia w niemalże każdym aspekcie życia społeczno-gospodarczego spowodowały w ostatnich latach nasilenie się dyskusji na temat przyszłości internetu i sposobu w jaki powinien być zarządzany. Internet od samego początku rozwijał się oddolnie bez centralnego ośrodka decyzyjnego. Na świecie funkcjonuje wiele organizacji działających na poziomie lokalnym, regionalnym i globalnym, które skupiają się na różnych aspektach jego działania i rozwoju. Proces nazywany "zarządzanie Internetem" (Internet Governance), to proces, w którym rządy, przedsiębiorstwa z branży technologii informacyjnych i komunikacyjnych oraz społeczeństwo obywatelskie wspólnie wypracowują standardy, wartości, normy i decyzje, które kształtują sposób, w jaki użytkowana jest sieć. Niniejszy artykuł podejmuje próbę wyjaśnienia tego zjawiska, przedstawia genezę sporu pomiędzy zwolennikami wielostronnego modelu zarządzania internetem oraz państwami postulującymi wzmocnienie roli rządów w tym procesie oraz prezentuje stanowisko Unii Europejskiej, która może w tej dyskusji odegrać kluczową rolę stając się mediatorem w debacie o przyszłym modelu zarządzania internetem.

The author discusses the fifth phase of demographic transition and post-transitional periods in Poland and in some European countries. Basic demographic processes, especially fertility and mortality in Poland run a course similar to that in most developed countries. Since age-sex structure of Polish population is unregular the author presents basic properties of demographic structures and processes up to the year 2000. Discussion of the transformation of family size in Poland is presented on the basis of TFRs. At the beginning of the century the TFR was 6,2 children per woman of fertility age, in 1930-ties 3.5 and in 1980 only 2,3. Urban-rural differentiation presents that since middle of 1960-ties the expanded reproduction of population in Poland is due to women living in rural areas (Tabl. 2). Taking into consideration the analysis of demographic trends and expected socio-economic changes the author notes that despite a relatively high level of natural increase the existing level of fertility in Poland is approaching that assuring only a simple reproduction of generations, i.e. 215 children per 100 women aged 15-49. The author postulates that reproduction of generations should be counted among important strategic goals of the country's development. It would be advantageous to maintain the level of reproduction slightly above the level of a simple reproduction of generations. Finally, the author postulates that the socio-economic policy of the country should incorporate demographic strategic goals as goals of highest priority when new plans of socio-economic development are formulated. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

Celem monografii jest analiza procesu reformowania Unii Europejskiej. Badaniom poddano trzy kolejne konferencje międzyrządowe, które zakończyły się przyjęciem traktatu amsterdamskiego, traktatu nicejskiego i traktatu konstytucyjnego. Rozdział pierwszy dotyczy istoty, zakresu i uwarunkowań procesu reform traktatowych UE a rozdział drugi odnosi się do stanowisk wybranych państw członkowskich wobec reformy Unii Europejskiej w połowie lat 90. XX wieku. W kolejnych rozdziałach dokonano bardzo szczegółowej analizy procesu negocjacji i zawartości kolejnych traktatów, tj. traktatu amsterdamskiego ("niedokończona reforma"), traktatu nicejskiego ("kompromis w obliczu poszerzenia") i traktatu konstytucyjnego ("nieudana próba określenia finalité politique Unii Europejskiej"). Na tej podstawie monografia oferuje model teoretyczny reform traktatowych w ramach Unii Europejskiej. ; The aim of the monograph is to analyse the process of reforming the European Union. Three successive Intergovernmental Conferences are examined, which resulted in the adoption of the Amsterdam Treaty, the Nice Treaty and the Constitutional Treaty. The first chapter concerns the essence, scope and conditions of the EU treaty reform process, and the second refers to the positions of selected Member States towards the reform of the European Union in the mid-1990s. In the following chapters a very detailed analysis of the negotiation process and the content of successive treaties, i.e. the Treaty of Amsterdam ("an unfinished reform"), the Treaty of Nice ("a compromise in view of enlargement") and the Constitutional Treaty ("an unsuccessful attempt to define the finalité politique of the European Union"), is made. On this basis, the monograph offers a theoretical model of treaty reforms within the European Union.

Celem monografii jest analiza procesu reformowania Unii Europejskiej. Badaniom poddano trzy kolejne konferencje międzyrządowe, które zakończyły się przyjęciem traktatu amsterdamskiego, traktatu nicejskiego i traktatu konstytucyjnego. Rozdział pierwszy dotyczy istoty, zakresu i uwarunkowań procesu reform traktatowych UE a rozdział drugi odnosi się do stanowisk wybranych państw członkowskich wobec reformy Unii Europejskiej w połowie lat 90. XX wieku. W kolejnych rozdziałach dokonano bardzo szczegółowej analizy procesu negocjacji i zawartości kolejnych traktatów, tj. traktatu amsterdamskiego ("niedokończona reforma"), traktatu nicejskiego ("kompromis w obliczu poszerzenia") i traktatu konstytucyjnego ("nieudana próba określenia finalité politique Unii Europejskiej"). Na tej podstawie monografia oferuje model teoretyczny reform traktatowych w ramach Unii Europejskiej. ; The aim of the monograph is to analyse the process of reforming the European Union. Three successive Intergovernmental Conferences are examined, which resulted in the adoption of the Amsterdam Treaty, the Nice Treaty and the Constitutional Treaty. The first chapter concerns the essence, scope and conditions of the EU treaty reform process, and the second refers to the positions of selected Member States towards the reform of the European Union in the mid-1990s. In the following chapters a very detailed analysis of the negotiation process and the content of successive treaties, i.e. the Treaty of Amsterdam ("an unfinished reform"), the Treaty of Nice ("a compromise in view of enlargement") and the Constitutional Treaty ("an unsuccessful attempt to define the finalité politique of the European Union"), is made. On this basis, the monograph offers a theoretical model of treaty reforms within the European Union.

The article examines the development process of the national level security strategies in the United States. It explains the basic theory of the strategy-making, as well as the primary processes and relations among the major security enterprises. The author focuses on the 2017–2018 timeframe due to the significant changes in the U.S. legislative system and exceptional personalities involved in the strategy-making process. However, the article delivers a military perspective on strategy development. Still, it does not exclude general information on the U.S. political arena, legal framework, scope of the documents, or historical facts. These data facilitate a more comprehensive understanding of the complex political-military relations during the strategy-making process. The primary purpose of the article is to analyze coherent, layered strategic planning process during President Donald Trump administration (2017–2020) and draw significant conclusions, which other countries might implement in their planning system.

The author describes the policy change which took place within last years in the economic policy in the most developed countries as well as in Poland. That relates to the relevance of industrial sector in the world economy. During the prevalence of the neoliberal way of thinking in the economic policy it has been regarded as the one in decline. Its neoliberal advocates were convinced that this sector is going to be replaced by the service sector as a growth engine in the world economy. But with 15 years, quit unexpectedly, a belief in the relevance of it collapsed. That resulted from the technological progress in the industrial sector as well as the global economic crises which began in 2008. At present, the economic discourse revolves around the necessity of the modern reindustrialization. This is a challenge for the Polish economic policy as well. In Poland we saw too much deindustrialization within last two decades, which weakened our prospects for development.

Events of August'91 as an expression of political disobidience in the process of shaping civil conduct, "Kultura i edukacja. Culture and Education" 2016, nr 4 (114), pp. 125-139 , 2016 Civil disobedience is the attitude which in the 20th century proved to be the only effective form of resistance to authoritarian regimes. So it was in the case of the events of August '91 when the Soviet society objected to the activities of the State Committee on the State of Emergency. It would not have been possible without the reform programme known as perestroika initiated by the last USSR leader Mikhail Gorbachev. Thanks to perestroika and the accompanying glasnost-transparency of sociopolitical life-the previously apathetic and alienated Soviet society felt responsible for their own life and for the fate of the State. By opposing the rebels through pas sive resistance, the citizens proved to the leaders of their own country, to the world, and above all, to themselves that they were aware of their rights and responsibilities. The process of sociopolitical socialization stimulated the development of civil society in the Soviet Union.

The article investigates the interrelationship between Lithuanian civil service reform initiatives and administrative Europeanisation processes by identifying the role and approaches of Lithuanian parliamentary elites in the process of the implementation of reforms during the period of membership in the EU. The research was based on the qualitative content analysis of primary sources, the records of the Lithuanian Government activities, and the qualitative analysis of the secondary sources including research literature and other documents and records, semi-structured qualitative interview. Research gives an opportunity to estimate the level of institutionalisation of pro-European values amongst parliamentary elites and their contributions to the implementation of administrative Europeanisation. According to the research findings, administrative Europeanisation agenda is not a priority for Lithuanian parliamentary elites per se, however, pro-European attitudes are fixed.

The article investigates the interrelationship between Lithuanian civil service reform initiatives and administrative Europeanisation processes by identifying the role and approaches of Lithuanian parliamentary elites in the process of the implementation of reforms during the period of membership in the EU. The research was based on the qualitative content analysis of primary sources, the records of the Lithuanian Government activities, and the qualitative analysis of the secondary sources including research literature and other documents and records, semi-structured qualitative interview. Research gives an opportunity to estimate the level of institutionalisation of pro-European values amongst parliamentary elites and their contributions to the implementation of administrative Europeanisation. According to the research findings, administrative Europeanisation agenda is not a priority for Lithuanian parliamentary elites per se, however, pro-European attitudes are fixed.