Suchergebnisse

According to Lewis Gordon, one is said to adhere to disciplinary decadence when disciplinary orthodoxy is prioritised over how particular problems are addressed. Under neoliberal capitalism, disciplinary decadence oftentimes reproduces a politics that is based on individual – rather than collective – freedoms (i.e. a liberal politics). This article interrogates two common disciplinarily decadent ways of politicising community psychology (CP), namely: parochial historicization and respect for diversity as liberal tolerance. We contend that in both cases, pseudo-progressive language is used to advance a liberal politics distorts the collective change-making capacities of CP. In an attempt to break from such liberal politics, we consider the progressive potential of an ethic of discomfort in CP. It is through this ethic, we argue, that ­we can begin to recognize the institutional limitations of CP, while realizing the role that CP is (and is not) able to play in community struggles. We conclude by calling for a CP that signifies a critical approach rather than a set of disciplinarily-bound dictums.

Considers the growing importance of automatic data collection (ADC) and electronic data interchange (EDI) in logistics and distribution, and the need for an additional paradigm. ADC and EDI require additional conceptual consideration in logistics pedagogy. The utilization of the Internet to acquire knowledge globally is a new and progressive way to advance business logistics. Presents some theoretical hypotheses and procedural guidelines for improved logistical linkages.

Intro -- Acknowledgments -- Contents -- Notes on Contributors -- Cultural Studies, Teaching and Critical Pedagogy: An Introduction -- Part I: Pedagogy and Teaching in Cultural Studies: Critical Groundings -- Part II: Cultural Studies Pedagogies in Practice: In the Classroom and Beyond -- Part III: Cultural Studies Pedagogies in Context: Some Case Studies -- A Few Concluding/Opening Remarks -- Works Cited -- Part I: Pedagogy and Teaching in Cultural Studies: Critical Groundings -- What Did You Learn in School Today? Cultural Studies as Pedagogy -- Cultural Studies as Pedagogy -- Cultural Studies in the Classroom -- Cultural Studies as Public Pedagogy -- Teaching in the Conjuncture -- We Are All Art Historians Now: Teaching Media Studies and/as Cultural Studies -- Olympian Remarks -- Cultural Studies -- Media Teaching -- We Are All Art Historians Now -- Conclusion -- Works Cited -- Dear Progressive and/or Queer Students: A Pedagogical Polemic from Your Queer Adjunct Professor -- Cultural Studies and (Un)Critical Pedagogies: A Journey Through the Corporatized University -- Any Way You Want It: From New Times to Hard Times -- Don't Stop Believing: Cultural Studies and Collaboration as a Minor Strategy -- Works Cited -- The Impossibility of Teaching Cultural Studies -- Teaching Undergraduate Students -- Teaching Graduate Students -- Teaching Anyone/Everyone Else -- Works Cited -- Part II: Cultural Studies Pedagogies in Practice: In the Classroom and Beyond -- Cultural Studies as Writing Project, with Trump Assignment -- A Micro-legacy from Stuart Hall -- Trump Assignment -- Apprentice Arenas -- Voice of America -- Be Unpredictable -- Communicative Capital -- Branding -- Capital Speaks Value -- Genüssfähigkeit -- "Universal Prostitution" -- Speech Acts as Exchange Value -- The "Marx Ratio" and Radical Inequality -- What Capital/Trump Wants.

In what follows, we present a conversation with Professor Noam Chomsky on the topic of whether the business school might be a site for progressive political change. The conversation covers a number of key issues related to pedagogy, corporate social responsibility and working conditions in the contemporary business school. We hope the conversion will contribute to the ongoing discussion about the role of the business school in neoliberal societies.

"How do educators and activists in today's struggles for change use historical materials from earlier periods of organizing for political education? How do they create and engage with independent and often informal archives and debates? How do they ultimately connect this historical knowledge with contemporary struggles? Reflections on Knowledge, Learning and Social Movements aims to advance the understanding of relationships between learning, knowledge production, history and social change. In four sections, this unique collection explores: - Engagement with activist/movement archives - Learning and teaching militant histories - Lessons from liberatory and anti-imperialist struggles - Learning from student, youth and education struggles. Six chapters foreground insights from the breadth and diversity of South Africa's rich progressive social movements; while others explore connections between ideas and practices of historical and contemporary struggles in other parts of the world including Argentina, Iran, Britain, Palestine, and the US. Beside its great relevance to scholars and students of Education, Sociology, and History, this innovative title will be of particular interest to adult educators, labour educators, archivists, community workers and others concerned with education for social change" --

The education reform implemented by the military regime of Juan Velasco (1968-1975) in Peru was the result of the alliance between a progressive branch of the armed forces and a group of cosmopolitan intellectuals influenced by radical pedagogy from the 60s and 70s, but also loyal to a long progressive tradition in education from Peru and Latin America. Analysis of this truncated project brings to light critical debates about politics and ideology in education and resonates with contemporary discussions about development and post development studies. The contemporary significance of the 1972 education reform is that its legacy, embodied in conspicuous members of the education community, played a role in the application of the neoliberal reforms in education in Peru in the 1990s, and helped envision a consensual educational project for the future.

Social work education and interventions with Black African families are frequently impaired because of discrimination, racism and the structuring priorities of neoliberalism. Rooted in rich and fascinating empirical work with practitioners and educators, this urgent, scholarly and accessible book emphasises that 'Black Lives Matter'. Intent on nurturing more progressive and pluralistic practices in pedagogy and practice, the book is a timely and significant contribution seeking to remake social work approaches to issues of 'race', racism and social justice

Social work education and interventions with Black African families are frequently impaired because of discrimination, racism and the structuring priorities of neoliberalism. Rooted in rich and fascinating empirical work with practitioners and educators, this urgent, scholarly and accessible book emphasises that 'Black Lives Matter'. Intent on nurturing more progressive and pluralistic practices in pedagogy and practice, the book is a timely and significant contribution seeking to remake social work approaches to issues of 'race', racism and social justice.

This article considers how the intersection of cultural theory and pedagogy in the classroom might be utilized to foster greater global awareness and engagement. Specifically, it addresses how critical examinations of theories regarding the constitution of subjectivity relate to developing and advancing progressive conceptions of global corporate behavior and how liberatory pedagogies (i.e., addressing questions of culture, knowledge, power, representation, and agency) might intercede in the development of more ethically conscious conceptions of corporate professionalism. Such exercises force new considerations for imagining the world and one's role in it, potentially stimulating new forms of social engagement within and against the logics and reality of global capital; forms that promote progressive thinking and social justice while reinvigorating how we collectively conceptualize and engage the dynamics of the corporate sphere in our global age.

My thesis is that liberal and progressive education models respectively refer to dual and unitary conceptions of intellectual development, and that these differences account for their pedagogical antagonisms. I test the validity of this argument by using it to account for the evolution of Western pedagogy and the fate of liberal and progressive education. I introduce the dualist epistemological premises of the major educational models that have followed one after the other in the history of Western education. Then, I account for the impact of classical empiricism, and later evolutionary doctrines, on the discredit of liberal education and the emergence of educational progressivism. Progressive educational conceptions are rooted in a representation of humankind developed under the influence of the Darwinian revolution. They justify an adaptive model of the mind within the framework of a functionalist psychology. According to alternative currents of modern educational thought, the use of auxiliary means of thought marks a rupture with human biological development. These currents underpin a dual conception of human reason according to which rational or theoretical understanding is a sui generis dimension of thought. They offer support for a modernized version of liberal education.

Political progressives in Canada and the United States are deeply concerned by the manner in which their countries treat their poor. They are dismayed at the dismantling of the social welfare state, the weakening of public education systems and the grotesque and ever-growing inequality of wealth. To remedy this problem, citizens need to be more aware of how political ideology influences attitudes and actions, and they need to better comprehend the effects of hegemonic discourses in the corporate media and school curriculum. This book informs educators how to develop context-specific pedagogy t

This article deals with the problem of national education policy, which subject to the recommendations of international organizations and supranational powers that observes and control the development of democracy and social movements world-wide, so consequently it is perceived as a new regime. Lithuanian educational changes are discussed using scientific literature interpretation, educational document analysis and meta-analysis of empirical research and applying critical theory instruments for recognition of supranational and local power constructs, identifying the methods of social reproduction in Lithuanian education. The main focus is done on the analysis of contemporary Lithuanian education, which has to survive in the conditions of regimes, when new one is built on the relicts of the Soviet, the old one. Explication of the right wing direction in Lithuanian education policy declaring the progressive tasks, with a fear of the leftist position, especially critical pedagogy, is given. The value of critical pedagogy theory from the perspective of a country experienced in the soviet regime is discussed.

"The well-known and controversial Mexican American studies (MAS) program in Arizona's Tucson Unified School District set out to create an equitable and excellent educational experience for Latino students. This book offers the first comprehensive account of this progressive program by those who created it, implemented it, and have struggled to protect it"--

The situation of the Republic of Poland, which was revived in 1918, in the educational field was dramatically difficult. As a consequence of partitions, the Second Republic of Poland inherited a relatively high rate of analphabetism (over 6.5 million analphabets, which constituted approximately 33% of the entire population of the country older than 10 years). As a result of individual differences in the economic, political, social and legals systems of the states occupying Poland, the educational system on the Polish territories at the threshold of independence was largely different with regard to the number of schools, the organization, program and didactic assumptions. The reborn Polish state was confronted with an important task of unifying the system and the level of education. It must be emphasised that this task was actually accomplished. In this the Sejm on March 11, 1932 (the act conclusively dissolved the remains of the educational legislation of the states which partitioned Poland). In the interwar Poland, not only the school system but also the so-called extraschool education developed. The period of the Second Republic of Poland was also the time of explosion of pedagogic thought. The most important theoretical trends in the educational sciences emerged at that time, primarily: "psychological pedagogy and the related great movement of New Education (progressive education)", "sociological pedagogics (social pedagogy)", "cultural pedagogy (humanistic, personalistic pedagogy)". A special object of reflection on the education in the Second Republic of Poland and of controversy in the pedagogics of the twenty years between the First and the Second World War in Poland was the question of educational aims. In the period until 1926 the dominant trend influencing the educational practice to the largest extent was the so-called patriotic education, whereas in the subsequent years citizenship education prevailed.

This article addresses the role public intellectuals and cultural workers might play in challenging the pervasive institutional and ideological influ ence of neoliberalism as it continues to attack all public spaces and social services not governed by the logic of the market. The author takes up this challenge by articulating a relationship between the political and peda gogical that is central to any notion of cultural politics. In doing so, he attempts to foreground how the diverse forms of critical pedagogy and cul tural studies can engage in progressive cultural politics through the interre lated registers of insurgent citizenship, a performative critical pedagogy, and a contextualized notion of political agency. The interconnected con cepts of discourse, context, power, and theory are used to critique notions of textuality that refuse to link the symbolic to material relations of power and to engage the limits of dystopian performative work that fails in spite of its appeal to the transgressive to address urgent social issues. The author concludes by pointing to a number of cultural activists whose work embod ies a radical intersection of the performative and the political.