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In recent years, the Swedish Armed Forces have produced and distributed highly edited video clips on YouTube that show moving images of military activity. Along- side this development, mobile phone apps have emerged as an important channel through which the user can experience and take an interactive part in the staging of contemporary armed conflict. This article examines the way in which the aes- thetic and affective experience of Swedish defence and security policy is socially and (media-)culturally (co-)constructed and how the official representation of Swedish military intervention (re)produces political and economic effects when these activi- ties are distributed through traditional and social media such as YouTube and digital apps. Based on Isabela and Norman Fairclough's thoughts on political discourse, Michel Foucault's dialectic idea of power/knowledge, and Sara Ahmed's concept of the affective, I discuss how the Swedish digital military aesthetic is part of a broader political and economic practice that has consequences beyond the digital, the semi- otic, and what might at first glance appear to be pure entertainment. ; In recent years, the Swedish Armed Forces have produced and distributed highly edited video clips on YouTube that show moving images of military activity. Alongside this development, mobile phone apps have emerged as an important channel through which the user can experience and take an interactive part in the staging of contemporary armed conflict. This article examines the way in which the aesthetic and affective experience of Swedish defence and security policy is socially and (media-)culturally (co-)constructed and how the official representation of Swedish military intervention (re)produces political and economic effects when these activities are distributed through traditional and social media such as YouTube and digital apps. Based on Isabela and Norman Fairclough's thoughts on political discourse, Michel Foucault's dialectic idea of power/knowledge, and Sara Ahmed's concept of the affective, I discuss how the Swedish digital military aesthetic is part of a broader political and economic practice which has consequences beyond the digital, the semiotic and what might at first glance appear to be pure entertainment.

Reseña: Asunción Castro y Julián Díaz, coords. 2017. XXV Años de paz franquista. Sociedad y cultura en España hacia 1964. Madrid: Sílex, 443 págs.

Los reyes y emperadores de la Casa de Austria fueron durante siglos los defensores de la religión católica y la Iglesia de Roma. Los monarcas españoles pertenecientes a este linaje hicieron de la defensa de la Fe cristiana un eje esencial de su práctica política, estableciendo un pacto con Dios con un objetivo confeso: una realeza legítima para un planeta católico. Esta alianza será representada en las artes propagandísticamente en las numerosas recreaciones pintadas de la batalla naval de Lepanto, que muestran a Dios, la Virgen y los santos tomando parte en el combate y decidiendo su suerte. Varios cuadros de la Corte de Felipe II dejan entrever las complejas claves dinásticas, espirituales y simbólicas de un momento crucial de la monarquía hispánica. ; For centuries, the Habsburg kings and emperors were defenders of the Catholic religion and the Church of Rome. The Spanish monarchs belonging to this lineage made the defence of the Christian faith a fundamental core of their political practice, establishing a pact with God with a declared objective: legitimate royalty for a Catholic planet. This alliance would be represented as propaganda in the arts in the many painted recreations of the naval battle of Lepanto, showing God, the Virgin and the saints taking part in the combat and deciding its destiny. Various paintings from the Court of Philip II reveal the complex dynastic, spiritual and symbolic keys to a crucial moment for the Hispanic monarchy.