Suchergebnisse

National audience ; Überall trifft man auf Propaganda, nicht nur in Werbung oder in Politik. Ehe sie vertikal ist man und sich an entfernte Unbekannte richtet, ist sie horizontal und richtet sich an nahe Bekannte. Der Grund hierfür liegt in einer psychischen Struktur, die fähig ist, Propaganda zu empfangen und weiter zu leiten, eine Struktur, die aus der subjektiven Identifizierung resultiert, unbewusst also nicht veränderbar durch Erfahrungswissen, Argumentation oder Vernunft.Eher als mit Pavlov lassen sich Form und Inhalt der Propaganda durch die unbewusste Subjektivität erklären. Diese lässt sich im sozialen Feld durch unsere "Analyse der subjektiven Logik" (kritische Erbin der in vielerlei Insicht ungenügenden "Theorie der vier Diskurse" von Lacan) beschreiben.Wir beginnen mit einer Analyse der Facetten der Phantasie "propagieren" (mittels einer genauen Untersuchung der Ausdrücke, die es konstituieren) anschliessend nehmen wir eine Beschreibung der Beziehungen zwischen Phantasie, Diskurse und Ideologie vor: so wie listige Personen ein Echo in der Psyche ihrer Opfer auslösen, indem sie diverse sogar gegenteilige Phantasien in einer instabilen Synthese versammeln, die aber durch ihre statige Wiederholung aufrecht erhalten wird.In der Psychoanalyse, ist es nicht nur möglich, sondern wünschenswert ohne Propaganda zu vermitteln : horizontal bei den Analytikern, indem das Autoritätsargument vermieden wird, und vertikal in jeder Analyse, indem man losmacht beim analysierend die Netze der Beeinflußbarkeits aufknüpfen. Denn die Psychoanalyse, weit davon entfernt sich auf die einfache Lösung der individuellen Symptome zu beschränken, hat das ambitionwerte Ziel zu Dekonstruktion des "Unbehagen in der Kultur". In diesem fall wäre es gerechtrechtigt, von einer tatsächlichen "Prävention der Propaganda" zu sprechen. ; Propaganda is everywhere, not only in commercials or politics. It is aimed at faraway strangers as well as nearby friends and relations. Propaganda in fact relies on a certain type of psychic structure, one ...

The retrieval of the past under a fascist ideological lens included not only the image of Romanity (the celebration of Ancient Rome) but also the representation of the Middle Ages. Medievalism represents one of the less familiar and less researched aspects of the cultural policies of Italian Fascism, part of the programmes of national regeneration of the regime, which promoted exhortation of virility, social order and the supremacy of national arts. This article interrogates the representation of the condottieres within Fascist ideology and questions the retrieval of the medieval heritage of the Italian Renaissance in a cinematic perspective. Mussolini's regime recovered the Risorgimento, the imaginary of a powerful and bellicose country. The identification between Mussolini and the condottieri, propagated through various media, was particularly effective. Once the Fascist regime fell, the heroic and ideological outlook of Fascism was completely reversed in favour of a narrative that exalts pacifism and anti-militarism. ; La récupération du passé par l'idéologie fasciste a non seulement concerné l'image de la Romanité (la célébration de la Rome antique) mais aussi la représentation du Moyen Âge. Le médiévalisme représente une ligne idéologique, que les recherches autour des politiques culturelles du fascisme ont moins abordée, mais qui fut cruciale car elle reprenait les différents programmes du régime de régénération nationale, comme l'exaltation de la virilité, de l'ordre social, et la suprématie des arts nationaux. Cet article traite de la thématique des condottieres à l'intérieur de l'opération idéologique du régime fasciste et questionne la récupération du patrimoine médiéval de la Renaissance italienne dans une optique cinématographique. Le régime de Mussolini a récupéré l'imaginaire du Risorgimento, qui peignait un pays puissant et belliqueux. L'identification de Mussolini à la figure des condottieres, que véhicula la propagande par plusieurs voies, s'avéra très ...

The century following Duke Humphrey's death has transmitted an image of "the Good Duke" that modern historiography may find misleading. Contemporary scholarship is interested in his role as the promoter of humanism in fifteenth-century England; yet, though in the course of his life there were acknowledgements of his patronage, the years immediately following his death saw his image undergo a metamorphosis. His role as a proto-humanist was quickly forgotten, while the political resonance of his death made later scholars overlook his unsuccessful career as a politician. Humphrey's death created a major sensation, and after the fall of the Lancasters it was quickly exploited for propaganda purposes by the York faction first, and by the Tudors afterwards. Humphrey haunts Elizabethan drama and Ovidian epistles, appears as an improbable Wycliffite in Foxe's Acts and as a wise man of the world in More's Dialogue Concerning Heresies. The present article takes Duke Humphrey and his afterlives as a case study for the examination of the role of propaganda in literary/political biography.

L'articolo studia, attraverso l'analisi della componente lessicale, la componente emotiva della pièce teatrale Les Victimes cloîtrées del drammaturgo francese Boutet de Monvel. L'analisi viene condotta a livello lessicale, discorsivo e retorico, rielaborando il metodo messo a punto da Christian Plantin. Essa consente di far emergere che il carattere sentimentale dell'opera è coerente all'argomentazione politica Giacobina. ; We outline the emotive elements in the dramatic work of Boutet de Monvel, Les Victimes cloîtrées. Lexicon and discourse analysis are based on Christian Plantin's methodology (termes d'émotion). The sentimental component of the pièce appears to be consistent with the argumentative goal of supporting Jacobin politics.

International audience ; D'une façon générale, le concept de propagande est employé indifféremment pour désigner une méthode aussi bien que l'objet symbolique mobilisé par cette méthode. Pourtant, la propagande constitue également un dispositif qui implique non seulement la mobilisation d'objets mais aussi de discours, de lieux, de gestes et de rituels. Ce chapitre prend comme point d'appui les réflexions de Max Weber, Paul Ricœur, Jacques Ellul et Jacques Rancière pour analyser la propagande comme un type particulier de dispositif de politique symbolique. Il examine l'utilisation des chansons humanitaires comme des outils de propagande en démocratie qui contribuent à la dépolitisation des enjeux de l'action humanitaire contemporaine. Ce texte termine avec une réflexion sur la contradiction entre la polysémie propre aux œuvres musicales et la construction fictionnelle de la réalité opérée par la propagande.

How do propaganda and representation, these two political weapons, influence people's memory and, thus, their history? How, in the specific context of Rosist Argentina, did the approximation of this binomial operate so that disparate spaces and populations were, little by little, brought together and could share in fine unifying principles? This work aims to explore the bases of a power and a system built around a man - for some, an enlightened despot - as part of a vast process, which in retrospect, proved critical for the emergence of a common, if not national, sense of belonging.From Buenos Aires, his home province, Juan Manuel de Rosas dictated f o r nearly twenty-three years the fate of a large population that had a history of its own but was deprived from a proper memory. This is a historical fact. Rosas' undeniable contribution to a country's national, political and identity build-up o f a country in motion inspired radically opposed analyses, which, moved by diverging and sometimes opportunistic reasons, memoirists and politicians have presented and historians have questioned and argued with force close sometimes to controversy. Rosas, the restorer of the Law and father of the Argentine nation, tyrant and destroyer of the Republic ; it is the tension between these two poles that we have tried to position ourselves in order to analyze, without taking sides , the contribution of this man to the foundations of a large building, modern Argentina, which was perfected, following Caseros, by the Romantic and Liberal thinkers who had fought so fiercely y the « Restaurador de las Leyes » . ; Comment la propagande et la représentation, ces armes de la politique, viennent-elles influencer la mémoire des peuples et, donc, leur histoire ? Comment, dans le contexte spécifique de l'Argentine rosiste, le rapprochement de ce binôme a-t -il opéré pour que des espaces et des populations disparates parviennent, peu à peu, à se réunir et à se reconnaître dans des principes fédérateurs ? Ce travail se propose d'explorer les ...

How do propaganda and representation, these two political weapons, influence people's memory and, thus, their history? How, in the specific context of Rosist Argentina, did the approximation of this binomial operate so that disparate spaces and populations were, little by little, brought together and could share in fine unifying principles? This work aims to explore the bases of a power and a system built around a man - for some, an enlightened despot - as part of a vast process, which in retrospect, proved critical for the emergence of a common, if not national, sense of belonging.From Buenos Aires, his home province, Juan Manuel de Rosas dictated f o r nearly twenty-three years the fate of a large population that had a history of its own but was deprived from a proper memory. This is a historical fact. Rosas' undeniable contribution to a country's national, political and identity build-up o f a country in motion inspired radically opposed analyses, which, moved by diverging and sometimes opportunistic reasons, memoirists and politicians have presented and historians have questioned and argued with force close sometimes to controversy. Rosas, the restorer of the Law and father of the Argentine nation, tyrant and destroyer of the Republic ; it is the tension between these two poles that we have tried to position ourselves in order to analyze, without taking sides , the contribution of this man to the foundations of a large building, modern Argentina, which was perfected, following Caseros, by the Romantic and Liberal thinkers who had fought so fiercely y the « Restaurador de las Leyes » . ; Comment la propagande et la représentation, ces armes de la politique, viennent-elles influencer la mémoire des peuples et, donc, leur histoire ? Comment, dans le contexte spécifique de l'Argentine rosiste, le rapprochement de ce binôme a-t -il opéré pour que des espaces et des populations disparates parviennent, peu à peu, à se réunir et à se reconnaître dans des principes fédérateurs ? Ce travail se propose d'explorer les ressorts d'un pouvoir et d'un système construits autour d'un homme – despote éclairé pour d'aucuns – dans le cadre d'un vaste processus dont on constate rétrospectivement qu'il a facilité l'émergence d'un sentiment d'appartenance dont nous dirons qu'il fut d'appartenance, à défaut d'être national.A partir de Buenos Aires, sa province natale, Juan Manuel de Rosa a dicté pendant près de vingt-trois années le sort d'une population forte d'une histoire dépourvue de mémoire propre. Tel est le fait historique. Sa contribution, indéniable, à la construction tout à la fois nationale, politique et identitaire d'un pays en devenir est l'objet d'analyses radicalement opposées que, poussés par des raisons diverses et également opportunistes, des mémorialistes et des politiques ont présentées et que des historiens ont soutenu et soutiennent avec une vigueur parfois proche de la polémique. Rosas, restaurateur de la Loi et père de la nation argentine, tyran et fossoyeur de la République : c ' est dans le tiraillement entre ces deux pôles que nous avons essayé de nous situer pour analyser, sans prendre parti , l'apport de l'homme aux fondations du grand édifice , l'Argentine moderne, parfaità la suite de Caseros par les grands penseurs romantiques et libéraux qui avaient tant combattu le « Restaurador de las Leyes » .

Includes the music of several songs. ; "Commentaires" in French and Spanish. ; On cover: Editada por la Comision Nacional Cubana de Propaganda por la Guerra y de Auxilio a sus Victimas. ; "Bibliographie": p. [71]-74. ; Mode of access: Internet.

International audience ; In 1930's China, while the country, under the rule of Nationalist, was facing the threat of the economic and military invasion of Western powers, and in particular of Japan, Chinese cinema was perceived by the intelligentsia and the politics as a tool well suited to educate the people of New China. However, neither the ruling Guomindang, nor its enemy, the Communist Party, managed to really control the movie industry, which was in the hand of private companies. This article examines the attempt made by both sides to establish a propaganda cinema and explores the reason why this attempt failed to succeed.

International audience ; In 1930's China, while the country, under the rule of Nationalist, was facing the threat of the economic and military invasion of Western powers, and in particular of Japan, Chinese cinema was perceived by the intelligentsia and the politics as a tool well suited to educate the people of New China. However, neither the ruling Guomindang, nor its enemy, the Communist Party, managed to really control the movie industry, which was in the hand of private companies. This article examines the attempt made by both sides to establish a propaganda cinema and explores the reason why this attempt failed to succeed.

International audience ; During the series of simultaneous terrorist attacks that took place in Paris on Friday 13 November 2015, three Islamic State fighters stormed the Bataclan concert hall which was holding a rock concert. This article analyses the relationship between the symbolic significance of this attack, the Salafist discourse on music, and the importance of chanting in the Islamic State jihadist propaganda. It shows how the use of nasheed "Avance, avance" in the audio statement claiming responsibility for the attacks, ritualises propaganda, legitimises violence, motivates its fighters, and demoralises the enemy. By examining the issue of musical practices and their mobilisation within the Islamic State propaganda dispositif, this text aims to further a better understanding of the ideology of this jihadist organization. ; Lors de la série d'attaques terroristes simultanées qui ont eu lieu à Paris le vendredi 13 novembre 2015, trois combattants de l'État islamique prennent d'assaut la salle de concert du Bataclan où se tenait un concert de rock. Cet article propose une analyse du rapport entre la portée symbolique de cette attaque, le discours salafiste sur la musique et l'importance que l'État islamique donne au chant dans sa propagande djihadiste. Il montre de quelle façon l'utilisation du nasheed « Avance, avance » dans le communiqué audio de revendication des attentats, vise à ritualiser sa propagande, légitimer la violence, encourager ses combattants et démoraliser son ennemi. Par l'examen des enjeux des pratiques musicales au sein du dispositif de propagande de l'État islamique, ce texte se donne pour objectif de contribuer à une meilleure compréhension de la mécanique idéologique mobilisée par cette organisation djihadiste.

Carl Peters (1856-1918) is generally known as a young doctor of philosophy who traveled as a simple civilian to Zanzibar where he acquired the territories which later formed the colony of German East Africa. Less known is the fact that the public figure of Peters is made up of three characters , which are quite distinct: firstly, Peters was an actual historical personality, engaged, as he was, in the colonial vicissitudes. Secondly, Peters was an author, who tried to defend the enterprises of his first avatar. And thirdly, Peters became the literary character or rather the various literary characters that he himself and a plethora of other German authors depicted - from the time of Wilhelm II, throughout the Weimar Republic all the way to the end of the Hitler era - in their attempts to use the conquistador of Hanover for the propagation of their various political interests. The present study analyses the transformations that Carl Peters image underwent in German public opinion, literature and political propaganda from 1884 (the beginning of the Berlin West African conference) up to the year 1945, which marks both the end of Nazism and of the dream of a German colonial Empire . The central thesis that emerges from this analysis is that Carl Peters and his life represent a myth that continuously accompanied Germany s colonial ambitions. ; Pour le grand public, Carl Peters (1856-1918) est surtout l'homme qui débarqua en Afrique orientale, signa des traités avec des populations autochtones et assura ainsi à l'Allemagne la domination sur le territoire qui a été désigné sous l'appellation de l'Afrique Orientale Allemande. On ignore plus souvent que derrière le nom de Peters se cachent en réalité trois dimensions bien distinctes de son personnage : premièrement, un personnage historique concret, impliqué dans les vicissitudes de la colonisation; deuxièmement, un homme de lettres qui chercha à défendre la colonisation ; et troisièmement, un personnage de fiction, «mis en scène» tout d'abord par Peters lui même et, ...

Carl Peters (1856-1918) is generally known as a young doctor of philosophy who traveled as a simple civilian to Zanzibar where he acquired the territories which later formed the colony of German East Africa. Less known is the fact that the public figure of Peters is made up of three characters , which are quite distinct: firstly, Peters was an actual historical personality, engaged, as he was, in the colonial vicissitudes. Secondly, Peters was an author, who tried to defend the enterprises of his first avatar. And thirdly, Peters became the literary character or rather the various literary characters that he himself and a plethora of other German authors depicted - from the time of Wilhelm II, throughout the Weimar Republic all the way to the end of the Hitler era - in their attempts to use the conquistador of Hanover for the propagation of their various political interests. The present study analyses the transformations that Carl Peters image underwent in German public opinion, literature and political propaganda from 1884 (the beginning of the Berlin West African conference) up to the year 1945, which marks both the end of Nazism and of the dream of a German colonial Empire . The central thesis that emerges from this analysis is that Carl Peters and his life represent a myth that continuously accompanied Germany s colonial ambitions. ; Pour le grand public, Carl Peters (1856-1918) est surtout l'homme qui débarqua en Afrique orientale, signa des traités avec des populations autochtones et assura ainsi à l'Allemagne la domination sur le territoire qui a été désigné sous l'appellation de l'Afrique Orientale Allemande. On ignore plus souvent que derrière le nom de Peters se cachent en réalité trois dimensions bien distinctes de son personnage : premièrement, un personnage historique concret, impliqué dans les vicissitudes de la colonisation; deuxièmement, un homme de lettres qui chercha à défendre la colonisation ; et troisièmement, un personnage de fiction, «mis en scène» tout d'abord par Peters lui même et, ...

When the First World War began in 1914, Switzerland, which was spared from a military point of view, was facing severe internal tensions. The army was mobilised, borders occupied and the Federal Council declared the country's neutrality. But Switzerland sympathisemajously with the Central Empire, i.e. Germany and Austria-Hungary, while Latin Switzerland is taking part in the Cartel, the alliance of France, Great Britain and Russia. A rich cultural divide crosses Switzerland and shows a real moralous unease. This situation is then used by the amazing powers to launch a propaganda war on an unprecedented scale on the Swiss territory. They are trying by all means to shift public opinionists in favour of them. Both camps set up press reviews and fixtures, finance newspapers and publishing houses, and in the last years of war, also instrumentalise culture by buying many theatres and cinemas and organising major art and crafts expositionsin villes.However, writers and intellectuals, but also politicians, engage from the beginning of hostilities for the internal cohesion of the country and highlight the Swiss perspective (Carl Spitteler). These attempts to bridge the gap between the different parts of the country represent the beginnings of the spiritual national defence, which will be formellementinstituted during the Second World War and will mark the Swiss societyuntil the 1960s. The exhibition "From the fire of propaganda. Switzerland faces the horrific World War" focuses on these cultural aspects of the years of war in Switzerland and illustrates, in a modern scenography, the most recent research through a variety of mediasons that have grown tremendously at that time: newspapers and journals, posters and postcards, photographs and engravings, leaflets and dispatches, manuscripts and books, film extracts and sound documents. The expositionis presented in two institutions: the Museum of Communicationintroduced the topic through ten epvocative media examples. Mr Lavisite continued at the Swiss National Library, ...

The open-air theatre construction movement under the Third Reich or Thingbewegung is a relatively unknown aspect of National Socialist cultural policy. This propaganda theatre was to gather several thousand spectators in outlying places, spaces specially built by the regime to celebrate the community of the people free of any social differentiation or, to use Nazi terminology, the Volksgemeinschaft. The central aspect remains the regime's desire to bring together, on a considerable scale, a new form of architecture and mass theatrical performance. The objective, clearly expressed from the beginning of the movement in 1933, was to develop 400 stages throughout the country. By 1934, twenty were actually under construction and, at the beginning of the Second World War in 1939, there were about thirty of them. This research project is based on the hypothesis that a better understanding of the phenomenon becomes possible when it is replaced within the dual historical tradition of theatre and architecture. This approach, both synchronic and diachronic, based on a multidisciplinary approach, aims to uncover the specific forms of creation of these scenic places while emphasizing the association with the totalitarian ideological policy of National Socialism. ; Le mouvement de construction de théâtres en plein air sous le Troisième Reich ou Thingbewegung est un aspect relativement méconnu de la politique culturelle national-socialiste. Ce théâtre de propagande devait réunir plusieurs milliers de spectateurs dans des lieux excentrés, des espaces construits spécialement par le régime afin de célébrer la communauté du peuple dégagée de toute différenciation sociale ou, pour reprendre la terminologie nazie, la Volksgemeinschaft. L'aspect central reste la volonté du régime de faire coïncider, à une échelle considérable, une nouvelle forme d'architecture et de spectacle théâtral de masse. L'objectif, exprimé clairement dès le début du mouvement en 1933, était l'élaboration de 400 scènes sur l'ensemble du territoire. Dès 1934, ...