Suchergebnisse

Svjetski su ratovi ostavili neizbrisiv trag ne samo za svog trajanja nego i kasnije. Jedan od načina prilagodbe čestim smjenama političkih režima karakterističnih za češku kulturu i književnost upravo je humor u književnosti. U središtu su ovoga rada tri romana, proizašla iz pera poznatih čeških prozaika: Doživljaji dobrog vojnika Švejka u svjetskom ratu Jaroslava Hašeka, Dvorio sam engleskoga kralja Bohumila Hrabala i Šala Milana Kundere. Koristeći humor kao dominantan književni diskurs, pisci formiraju lik marginaliziranih (anti)junaka koji, usprkos egzistenciji u različitim povijesnim vremenima, ratuju protiv rata. Nijansiranim će postupcima ironije, crnog humora, sarkazma i groteske razoružati rat i okove (poslije)ratnih ideologija – austrijskog imperijalizma, nacizma i socijalizma, svodeći ih pod apsurd. Svevremenost pacifizma koji zagovaraju ova će djela učiniti jednako privlačnima i današnjem krugu čitatelja. ; World wars have left an indelible trace while they lasted as well as in times after them. In Czech culture and literature one of the common ways of adapting to political regime changes is using humour in literary works. The paper focuses on three novels by famous Czech novelists: The Good Soldier Švejk by Jaroslav Hašek, I Served the King of England by Bohumil Hrabal and The Joke by Milan Kundera. By using humour as dominant literary discourse, the authors created marginalised characters, (anti)heroes who, despite living at different times, disarm the war. Nuanced irony, black humour, sarcasm and grotesque reveal the true face of wars and restraints of (post)war ideologies – Austrian imperialism, Nazism and socialism by treating them as absurd. Timelessness of pacifism which these works promote makes these books appealing to readers even nowadays.

U ovom radu razmatra se djelovanje Slavenskoga komiteta Hrvatske, kluba intelektualaca i umjetnika okupljenih u prvim godinama nakon Drugoga svjetskog rata radi promoviranja ideja slavenske uzajamnosti i bliskosti sa Sovjetskim Savezom. Sagledavajući njegov rad u uvjetima uspostave komunističke prevlasti i hladnoratovske polarizacije u Europi, autor će posebno analizirati propagandu Slavenskoga komiteta o Sovjetskom Savezu i veličanje staljinističkoga modela upravljanja društvom. ; Public advocacy of Slavic mutuality and solidarity was an essential component of Soviet 'soft power' in the 1940s war-torn Europe. Being conceptualised by Stalin's government in order to strengthen influence over occupied Eastern Europe, it was driven by a propaganda abundant with national liberation, anti-fascism, social equality and democratisation traits, while warily covering up its communist agenda under a non-revolutionary facade. In postwar Croatia, Slavic consonance was particularly propagandised by the Slavic Committee of Croatia (dependent on the Slavic Committee of Yugoslavia), a para-political learned society whose mission was heavily influenced by both the ongoing Communist revolutionary ideologisation and the escalating Cold War polarisation. Lackeyed by the Yugoslav Communist Party, the Committee commended propaganda efforts that had already been carried out to perpetrate the aestheticisation and glorification of the Soviet Union, through painting its adversaries as enemies of peace and democracy, imperialist war-mongers, servants of capitalists, etc. The Committee was eager to conduct a ruthless defamation of Western democracy and pluralism, in order to heap praise on the Soviets. Considering the fact that the Committee was established in 1946 as an instrument intended to spread the political influence of the USSR, its existence closely followed the dynamics of Soviet-Yugoslav relations, so it disappeared shortly after the Tito-Stalin split in 1948.

The article addresses, at various levels, the limits & scope of NATO media activity during the latest Balkan war. On the theoretical level, there are three basic modalities in political communication: positive propaganda (the so-called carrot system), negative propaganda (hard propaganda, aimed at destroying the enemy & its institutions), & military propaganda, concerned with military action, ie, the system of communicating with a "stick." All these modes have been used in the war for Kosovo. Serbia had been positively conditioned for at least the entire decade, then a somewhat stricter model of negative propaganda was used, & when this led nowhere, in 1999, Milosevic felt the full force of the state-of-the-art military equipment & communication with a "stick." The author concludes that the media are powerful, but not all-powerful; ie, they are eclipsed by military communication, wars, & victories or defeats. 9 References. Adapted from the source document.

Using the most recent archival sources, the author describes the organization of the judiciary & the courts in Zadar & Dalmatia after the Italian occupation in 1918. In violation of the cease-fire agreement, the Italian occupational authorities reorganized the judiciary institutions & defined the new territorial jurisdiction of courts so as to establish judiciary control over both the occupied & unoccupied parts of Dalmatia. The purpose of this new organization of the courts & the constant propaganda relating to it was to prove that Zadar & Dalmatia belonged to Italy -- culturally, civilizationally, & politically. 3 Appendixes, 13 References. Adapted from the source document.

Using the most recent archival sources, the author describes the organization of the judiciary & the courts in Zadar & Dalmatia after the Italian occupation in 1918. In violation of the cease-fire agreement, the Italian occupational authorities reorganized the judiciary institutions & defined the new territorial jurisdiction of courts so as to establish judiciary control over both the occupied & unoccupied parts of Dalmatia. The purpose of this new organization of the courts & the constant propaganda relating to it was to prove that Zadar & Dalmatia belonged to Italy -- culturally, civilizationally, & politically. 3 Appendixes, 13 References. Adapted from the source document.