Suchergebnisse

Disinformation and propaganda are key aspects of Russia's war strategy as it uses the information environment to justify its actions in international politics, both domestically and abroad, and to coerce audiences into unwittingly supporting its actions. Russia, leading up to and throughout the conflict with Ukraine, brought the full scope of its propaganda apparatus to bear, leveraging overt and covert capabilities on both media and disinformation tools to justify the invasion and [attempt to] destroy international support for Ukraine. What kind of instruments, methods, and narratives has Russia used before and after its invasion of Ukraine? The spread of disinformation by the Russian Federation prior to and after the invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 as well as the actions taken in response by Ukraine, allied governments, and civil and international organizations provide an important perspective as well as lessons on how to counteract disinformation and propagandistic narratives.

Nasheeds outpace the era of Internet and Youtube. Jihadist poetry in the Islamist hymns can be seen as an extension of the 19th-century anticolonial style of poetry called qaseeda. Presented article shows that nasheeds were not always a significant element in the jihadi culture. The increase of their role was observed quite recently, after the outbreak of the "Arab Spring". This article is a case study. It attempts to fill a gap in research on the IS's propaganda materials. The major objective of this article is to investigate the phenomenon of jihadist naseeds, including their role in the 'jihadi culture'. The author seeks to answer to the question whether the presented facts may indicate the increase in their role occurred with the transfer of IS' activities to cyberspace and whether it will be intensified in the future. The article takes into account historical conditions, briefly describing the genesis of the naseeds and their proliferation after the events of the "Arab Spring". Then, using systemic analysis, the author presents their role in the activities of the Islamic State. In addition, theoretical and empirical research methods, such as: scientific literature analysis, case analysis, content analysis, classification, generalization were taken to solve the research problem.

The chapter presents the most important element of propaganda used as a tool to create attitudes in society. The environmental determinants of information were identified and the scope of information security responsibilities was presented, taking into account such areas as information security, information warfare, disinformation. The main focus was on identifying the components of propaganda, the scheme by which it is implemented, and its socio- historical and cultural determinants. The most important techniques of manipulation used in propaganda as well as the way of identifying propaganda campaigns are presented.

The article describes the specificity of political propaganda, political marketing and political advertising from the point of view of the processes of integration, disintegration and reintegration. It shows the directions of the evolution of these communication and mobilization interactions on communities and citizens. The article presents the influence of political propaganda, political marketing and political advertising on the political awareness and decisions of citizens (including ideas, principles and views expressed by citizens), as well as the influence on the shaped and used type of socio-political ties.

The article analyzes the functioning of pro-Russian propaganda Internet media in the Republic of Belarus, which testifies to their purposeful activities designed to promote integration narratives in the country's information space. It is concluded that the rhetoric used by Russian and pro-Russian Belarusian Internet media is essentially the same and does not differ significantly depending on the considered source of propaganda. It has been determined that the information impact is carried out using a set of identical theses, techniques and formulations that justify the commonality of history, culture and the need for the unity of the Belarusian and Russian peoples. It is noted that the actual identification of Belarusian national interests with Russian interests is used to justify the necessity and inevitability of Belarus' civilizational choice in favor of Russia.

The aim of the article is to analyze the image of economic emigration from Ukraine to Poland created by pro-Kremlin media after 2014. It shows how Russian propaganda changed during the 20th century, what function it had from the tsarist period, through the years of the Soviet Union, to contemporary times. Its significance in the period after the decomposition of the union state was presented, and in particular the changes that it underwent since Vladimir Putin's first presidency. There were shown ideological changes, which more or less influenced the public discourse, and thus also the media coverage. The functions of the Russian propaganda after the escalation of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict and the way of presenting mass labour migration from Ukraine to Poland are presented, both in the context of creating a specific narrative about the current internal and foreign situation of Ukraine after the Dignity Revolution, as well as against the background of Polish-Ukrainian relations and migration processes taking place in Poland. It was shown which aspects of mass migration were most often presented by pro-Kremlin information platforms, in which context and how a specific propaganda discourse was constructed. An important element is the analysis of changes observed in the message of the state-controlled Russian media concerning the mass migration of Ukrainians to Poland and the analysis of the origins, scale, significance and consequences of this migration. More extensive research leads to the conclusion that the media controlled by the Kremlin authorities can skilfully construct the message by adapting it to the addressee. In Polish language information services, the information addressed to the recipient is much more detailed and prepared in such a way as to build an aversion between the host society and Ukrainian economic immigrants. While preparing the article, we used the analysis of data found with elements of a comparative analysis.

Computer games (video games) are becoming increasingly popular way to relax, or even to maintain social relationships with other people. However, they are not just only entertainment. Treated as a mass media become a source of income, knowledge and social problems, which may distort the reality presented in them. It may also become the basis for manipulation and propaganda, to serve the struggle for cultural dominance, and indicate social problems.

The anti-vaccination movement, which has been present worldwide for nearly two hundred years, has become an extraordinarily visible movement of protest against the announced COVID-19 pandemic and mass vaccination against SARS-CoV-2. The National Association for Knowledge on Vaccine STOP NOP, known for years – during a pandemic – along with echo chambers in alt-internet resonating anti-COVID, anti-mask and anti-vaccine propaganda, has become one of the main participants in the COVID discourse effectively influencing the opinions, attitudes and behaviors of Poles towards the virus, COVID restrictions and vaccines.

The subject of the following paper is an analysis of the role social stereotypes have in election campaigns. The first part concerns the definition of the stereotype and its subject-object relation in political reality. Consequently, when considering the marketing and propaganda actions, four pragmatic functions of political campaigns are evoked: location, values and the demands of the autogroup, social engineering and election program, which are related to the four basic functions of stereotypes: cognitive, integrative, defending and adaptive. Every single function is assigned to the stereotypes, which are dominant in Polish politics.

The intensification of separatism in Ukraine in 2014 became possible due to profound changes in the worldview of a significant part of the population, which manifested in the changing of national self-identification. The purpose of the article is to clarify scientific ideas about the essence and relationship of separatism and identity on the example of Donbas. The article argues for the idea of the absence of an ethnic marker in the conflict in Donbass, where separatism is based on the specific regional identity, to which, through the efforts of Russian propaganda, the cultural, ideological, civilizational characteristics of the «Russian world» are added.

The article presents the development of the idea of building fast roads in Central and Eastern Europe in the first half of the 20th century. In Europe, until 1945, highways were built in: Germany, the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia, the Netherlands and Italy. In other countries, including Poland, the construction of this type of roads in the interwar period remained only in the planning and project phase. The concept of building highways was implemented by fascist countries, including: Italy (474 km of routes opened) in 1922-1942, Germany (3,896 km) in 1933-1943, and the dependent Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia in 1939-1942 (188 km under construction), mainly to achieve a propaganda effect the agency of the totalitarian system in counteracting unemployment and the planned increase in motorization, which proves the wealth of workers.

At the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, Swiss political parties were formed. Basic press organs also crystallized, which became the official nationwide titles of particular trends. Regardless of internal discrepancies, most of these bodies pursued a fairly consistent propaganda policy regarding the future of multicultural lands after the end of the First World War. One of the issues that fit into this theme was the issue of the Polish-Ruthenian-Lithuanian borderland. The entire Helvetic public opinion was of the opinion that it was necessary to create a federal state in Central Europe, which was to be an antidote to emerging nationalist movements. The promotion of such a solution was related to the desire to disseminate in Europe its own, Swiss constitutional solutions, which had proven to function efficiently for half a century. In the conditions of the borderland of Central Europe, such a vision turned out to be unrealistic. Revealing nationalist tendencies and ineffective attempts to find a compromise solution between the representatives of the emigration of nations in question present in Switzerland led to the collapse of the idea of promoting the Slavic federation in the Helvetic press in autun 1918.