The word "Holocaust" functions as a keyword in reading of the contemporary history in the Web services (which contain video files). Very often this word is used in the context of some historical truth which concerns the second world war. There are mainly some newsreels or audiovisual documents which confirm the atrocities of the war. The forms of the provocation are rather rarely. In this perspective the authors want to notice some peculiar problems or phenomenona. Sometimes the word "Holocaust" is used by some communities to support their ideologies (for example in the political background) – and in this context the interpretation of this word exceeds the ethical taboo. ; Truth, provocation, propaganda. Images of the Holocaust in the Web services The word "Holocaust" functions as a keyword in reading of the contemporary history in the Web services (which contain video files). Very often this word is used in the context of some historical truth which concerns the second world war. There are mainly some newsreels or audiovisual documents which confirm the atrocities of the war. The forms of the provocation are rather rarely. In this perspective the authors want to notice some peculiar problems or phenomenona. Sometimes the word "Holocaust" is used by somecommunities to support their ideologies (for example in the political background) – and in this context the interpretation of this word exceeds the ethical taboo.
Latin America has played at all times a significant part in the foreign policy of the United States. Its geographical proximity, colonial descent, as well as common interests of all American countries toward the policy of the European colonial powers - these are historically primordial factors that have determined their relations. In course of time, as USA investments in Latin America grew, and the system of the political-military relations consolidated, also with respect to the USA global policy, the countries of Latin America got interrelated in a peculiar way with their northern neighbour. At present their mutual relations are noticeable at the arena of culture and propaganda. The present work perceives the cultural policy and foreign propaganda pursued by the United States as a broad complex of phenomena involving both the passage of wealth, values, and standars of culture, and the political purposeful persvasive actions, affecting the views, attitudes, and conduct of the pe.ople, as an instrument applied to put into effect the strategical aims of the. USA foreign polioy. At the same time it represents a stable integrator of the western hemisphere. The two decades (1960s and 1970s) of cultural policy and foreign propaganda discussed in the present work are' a period that allows to trace the characteristic manifestations, and to regard the trends appearing as the regularities of this sphere of social activity. The conception of tjie culture and propaganda influence, elaborated in the beginning of the 1960s has been modified in accordance with new occurrences taking place in Latin America, and with their perception by the particular administrations. The political function of this influencing, its aims,¡contents and implementing methods have not undergone any change. The work is composed of three fundamental sections - chapters. The first one "The determinants, and the programmatic directions of the USA culture-propaganda influence in Latin America" attempts to present the foreign policy programmes, and their stageB to define the place and role of the culture-propaganda influence in the USA strategies adopted to Latin America. Chapter two "The organization of the administration machinery" illustrates the extremely complex, multisectorial, and hierarchical system of the state and non-state organizations programming, coordinating, and implementing the actions under discussion. The third chapter "The forms, and techniques of the culture-propaganda influencing" describes the big business activity in Latin America in the field of mass-communication, its dominance at the information market, and its impact on the mass culture and education. Moreover the author discusses the state institutions activity in the field of radio, TV and film propaganda, face-to-face communication, bi-national centres and military schooling stations, as well as public utilities operation. Latin America constitutes too differentiated area to adopt preferential techniques to the entire region. Nevertheless the preference is noticeable. This refers to the radio-TV propaganda, face-to-face communication, bi-national centres operation, and arises from the influencies directing mainly onto middle classes predestinated to adopt foreign standards and values.
The purpose of this article is to trace the ambiguous images of Russia which had been presented after October Revolution in propaganda of Central Powers. Because of the Bolsheviks' peace slogans this country suddenly became the most desired ally of Germany, Austria-Hungary and Bulgaria. The autor aims to answer the following questions: – Which narratives connected to Russia did dominate in German society in 1917–1918? – To which extent were they similar and in which different from the leading narratives in such countries as Austria-Hungary and Bulgaria? – What was the background of the mentioned narratives and images? The author distinguished two major motifs connected to the image of Russia as a kind of providential force: 1) of Russia-the-Saviour (as an exemplification of the myth of "Grandpa Ivan"), 2) of Russia-a-fighter-for-peace (as a continuation of the myth of Russian Revolution).
Artykuł traktuje o obchodach uroczystości świąt narodowych 3 Maja, 15 sierpnia i 11 listopada w warunkach polskiej Drugiej Wielkiej Emigracji. Chronologicznie uwzględniłem lata 1939–1956, od powołania do życia rządu RP we Francji, po wydarzenia w Polsce, które rozbudziły nadzieje Polaków na obczyźnie na demokratyzację kraju. W rozważaniach zwróciłem uwagę przede wszystkim na działalność rządu RP, z jednoczesnym odwołaniem się do niektórych inicjatyw prezydenta oraz partii, stronnictw politycznych i Polskich Sił Zbrojnych na Zachodzie. The article deals with the celebration of national days of 3 May, 15 August, and 11 November in the conditions of the second Polish "Great Emigration". The chronological scope of the study covers the years from 1939 to 1956, i.e. from the establishment of the Polish government in France to the events in Poland that awakened hopes of Poles abroad of democratisation of the country. I focus primarily on actions of the Polish government with occasional references to some of the initiatives of the president as well as various associations, political parties and the Polish Armed Forces in the West. ; Artykuł traktuje o obchodach uroczystości świąt narodowych 3 Maja, 15 sierpnia i 11 listopada w warunkach polskiej Drugiej Wielkiej Emigracji. Chronologicznie uwzględniłem lata 1939–1956, od powołania do życia rządu RP we Francji, po wydarzenia w Polsce, które rozbudziły nadzieje Polaków na obczyźnie na demokratyzację kraju. W rozważaniach zwróciłem uwagę przede wszystkim na działalność rządu RP, z jednoczesnym odwołaniem się do niektórych inicjatyw prezydenta oraz partii, stronnictw politycznych i Polskich Sił Zbrojnych na Zachodzie. The article deals with the celebration of national days of 3 May, 15 August, and 11 November in the conditions of the second Polish "Great Emigration". The chronological scope of the study covers the years from 1939 to 1956, i.e. from the establishment of the Polish government in France to the events in Poland that awakened hopes of Poles abroad of democratisation of the country. I focus primarily on actions of the Polish government with occasional references to some of the initiatives of the president as well as various associations, political parties and the Polish Armed Forces in the West.
Artykuł traktuje o obchodach uroczystości świąt narodowych 3 Maja, 15 sierpnia i 11 listopada w warunkach polskiej Drugiej Wielkiej Emigracji. Chronologicznie uwzględniłem lata 1939–1956, od powołania do życia rządu RP we Francji, po wydarzenia w Polsce, które rozbudziły nadzieje Polaków na obczyźnie na demokratyzację kraju. W rozważaniach zwróciłem uwagę przede wszystkim na działalność rządu RP, z jednoczesnym odwołaniem się do niektórych inicjatyw prezydenta oraz partii, stronnictw politycznych i Polskich Sił Zbrojnych na Zachodzie. The article deals with the celebration of national days of 3 May, 15 August, and 11 November in the conditions of the second Polish "Great Emigration". The chronological scope of the study covers the years from 1939 to 1956, i.e. from the establishment of the Polish government in France to the events in Poland that awakened hopes of Poles abroad of democratisation of the country. I focus primarily on actions of the Polish government with occasional references to some of the initiatives of the president as well as various associations, political parties and the Polish Armed Forces in the West. ; Artykuł traktuje o obchodach uroczystości świąt narodowych 3 Maja, 15 sierpnia i 11 listopada w warunkach polskiej Drugiej Wielkiej Emigracji. Chronologicznie uwzględniłem lata 1939–1956, od powołania do życia rządu RP we Francji, po wydarzenia w Polsce, które rozbudziły nadzieje Polaków na obczyźnie na demokratyzację kraju. W rozważaniach zwróciłem uwagę przede wszystkim na działalność rządu RP, z jednoczesnym odwołaniem się do niektórych inicjatyw prezydenta oraz partii, stronnictw politycznych i Polskich Sił Zbrojnych na Zachodzie. The article deals with the celebration of national days of 3 May, 15 August, and 11 November in the conditions of the second Polish "Great Emigration". The chronological scope of the study covers the years from 1939 to 1956, i.e. from the establishment of the Polish government in France to the events in Poland that awakened hopes of Poles abroad of democratisation of the country. I focus primarily on actions of the Polish government with occasional references to some of the initiatives of the president as well as various associations, political parties and the Polish Armed Forces in the West.
The article discusses the cultural reasons for the radicalization of Western European foreign terrorist fighters (FTF) who migrated to Syria and Iraq after 2011 to fight in the ranks of the Islamic State (ISIS) and other jihadist organizations. Literature review and available research findings led to the conclusion that one of the structural reasons for this mobilization was identity problems and a state of anomie found among some Western European youth from immigrant backgrounds. In addition, mobilization in cyberspace played a major role along with efficient recruitment propaganda on social platforms and instant messaging apps. ; Artykuł poświęcony jest wyjaśnieniu kulturowych przyczyn radykalizacji zachodnieuropejskich zagranicznych bojowników terrorystycznych (foreign terrorist fighters, FTF), którzy po 2011 r. migrowali do Syrii i Iraku, aby walczyć w szeregach Państwa Islamskiego (ISIS) oraz innych organizacji dżihadystycznych. Przegląd literatury i dostępnych wyników badań pozwolił na sformułowanie wniosku, że jedną ze strukturalnych przyczyn tej mobilizacji były problemy z tożsamością oraz stan anomii występujący wśród części zachodnioeuropejskiej młodzieży ze środowisk imigranckich. Ponadto ogromną rolę odgrywała mobilizacja w cyberprzestrzeni i sprawna propaganda rekrutacyjna na platformach społecznościowych i w komunikatorach internetowych.
The article discusses the cultural reasons for the radicalization of Western European foreign terrorist fighters (FTFs) who migrated to Syria and Iraq after 2011 to fight in the ranks of the Islamic State (ISIS) and other jihadist organizations. Literature review and available research findings led to the conclusion that one of the structural reasons for this mobilization was identity problems and a state of anomie found among some Western European youth from immigrant backgrounds. In addition, mobilization in cyberspace played a major role along with efficient recruitment propaganda on social platforms and instant messaging apps. ; Artykuł poświęcony jest wyjaśnieniu kulturowych przyczyn radykalizacji zachodnieuropejskich zagranicznych bojowników terrorystycznych (foreign terrorist fighters, FTF), którzy po 2011 r. migrowali do Syrii i Iraku, aby walczyć w szeregach Państwa Islamskiego (ISIS) oraz innych organizacji dżihadystycznych. Przegląd literatury i dostępnych wyników badań pozwolił na sformułowanie wniosku, że jedną ze strukturalnych przyczyn tej mobilizacji były problemy z tożsamością oraz stan anomii występujący wśród części zachodnioeuropejskiej młodzieży ze środowisk imigranckich. Ponadto ogromną rolę odgrywała mobilizacja w cyberprzestrzeni i sprawna propaganda rekrutacyjna na platformach społecznościowych i w komunikatorach internetowych.
The chief purpose of BBC World Service, Radio France Internationale, and Voice of America in the Context of International Communication: From Propaganda to Public Diplomacy is to analyse the role radio stations fulfil for international communication nowadays in the light of the roles they served in the past (that is, the times when radio dominated). During the interwar period and right before World War II, new radio stations came to being that aimed at broadcasting content targeted at the listeners abroad. Initially, these radio stations were transmitting mostly official messages or functioning as private point-to-point communication; in both cases, they functioned similarly to telegraphs (assuming one addresser and one addressee). Along with not only the development of the transmitting and receiving devices but also the widening of our knowledge on radio waves, radio turned into a mass medium, thanks to various "freaks," including investors and other radio lovers. Having access to the network of correspondents and a powerful radio signal, radio stations back then were able to provide live coverage of the events that interested listeners all around the globe. The capacities of radio were significant during World War II as well; precisely, it ceased to serve communication purposes exclusively, and was included into military arsenal (used not only in operations and diversion actions, but also for jamming and scouting). This military conflict showed that the possibility of reaching listeners abroad – that is, the citizens of adversary, allied, and neutral states – had been of enormous importance, whereas the ability of shaping the opinions of foreign citizens had become a crucial part of contemporary warfare. The relevance of radio for international communication was indisputable also during the Cold War. Radio Free Europe, Radio Liberty, Voice of America, BBC World Service, Radio France Internationale, Deutsche Welle, Radio Madrid, Radio Moskwa, and Radio China International were fundamentally engaged in both ideological war and public diplomacy. Simultaneously, various international processes changed the position radio occupied among other media; the "Golden Age of Radio" reached a significant decline in the 1950s, when the dominance of radio gave way to the advent of television, whereas from late 1990s on the situation of all media was revolutionised by the birth of the Internet. As a result, digitalisation, convergence, shifts in reception and use of media – not to mention other broader phenomena, including the dominance of audiovisual culture – affected not only listeners and their preferences (inclining to fragmented radio programmes), but also ratings and marketability of radio stations. Finally, since political communication has privileged the audiovisual paradigm, and domestic policy has gradually become a media issue, radio has withdrawn in this area as well, giving primacy to television and new media. Because of the aforementioned factors and shifts, it becomes vital to carefully reconsider the contemporary and international status of radio. After all, one might be tempted to think that radio is no longer in its heyday, whereas both governments and individual listeners do not deem it as a genuine informative medium or a means capable of reaching the foreign public opinion. This book, therefore, explores how Radio France Internationale, Voice of America, and BBC World Service changed diachronically in reference to other radio stations alike, points to rules they follow and formats their programmes take, and analyses their recent activity in international communication between 2014 and 2018. Chapter 1 introduces theoretical vocabulary international communication relies on, and juxtaposes its various definitions with related cultural phenomena, including transcultural communication, political communication, propaganda, public diplomacy, cultural diplomacy, media diplomacy, and soft power. Aside from analysing these concepts, this chapter also proposes an innovative definition of international communication and its graphic model. Chapter 2 is diachronic, and it focuses on the discovery of radio waves and the invention of radio read from the technical perspective, which determines the position of radio for international communication. Moreover, the early forms of radio are recalled with regard to their significance for foreign communication. Finally, the development of radio and broadcasting in France, United Kingdom, and the USA is presented with an emphasis put on the differences between their broadcasting models. Chapter 3 is devoted to the development of international broadcasting, dividing it into three stages: 1) the early 20th century (until the 1930s), when radio waves were being tested, the first experimental stations came to being, and first international radio stations were founded, including those in Nauen and Zessen (Germany), Sainte-Assise and Le Post Colonial (France), Eindhoven and Heuzen (Netherlands), Chelmsford (United Kingdom); 2) the World War II period, in which the uses of radio for international military communication are analysed in reference to propaganda radio stations (Radio Berlin, Radio Hamburg, Radio Stuttgart, Radio Tokio) and its prominent figures (William Joyce ("Lord Haw-Haw"), Paul Ferdonnet ("the Stuttgart Traitor"), Mildred Gillars ("Axis Sally"), Ive Togure ("Tokyo Rose")), British pirate radio stations functioning in response to the Axis propaganda (for instance, Gustav Siegfried Eins), the radio stations of French Resistance with a special emphasis put on Radio Brazzaville, that is, Charles de Gaulle's chief means of international communication, and, finally, Voice of America serving for public diplomacy purposes; 3) the Cold War period, in which the objectives, assumptions, and strategies of international broadcasting posed by France, United Kingdom, the United States of America between 1945 and late 1980s are examined. The last chapter is entirely dedicated to BBC World Service, Radio France Internationale and Voice of America nowadays, paying attention to their regulations, structures, and broadcasting services. These radio stations are understood as means used for public diplomacy of their countries, and their institutional and formal connections to government institutions are discussed. Consequently, this comparative chapter refers to the legal contexts, supported by acts and regulations of a given country, presents the principles and levels of funding, reconstructs the institutional positions of radio among other media, and characterises broadcasting in terms of services, directions, and programmes. The analysis of contemporary strategies and activities of the discussed radio stations makes it possible to claim that the use of radio for international communication has not lost its relevance, and currently is supported with television and the Internet, that is, the media that were invented later in the course of historical progress. Radio stations, therefore, are not held in media bubbles; rather, they are still significant means of foreign communication because of their specificities. Furthermore, radio communication complies with strategic foreign policies, which affects various parts of the world where levels of technological development diverge whilst the access to television or the Internet connection is not available. In the countries stricken with military conflicts or poverty, radio is still the predominant means of communication that serves numerous purposes; not only is it a source of information on military operations, epidemiological situations, climate and natural disasters, but also it educates its listeners on civil and human rights, especially women's rights. Finally, Voice of America, BBC World Service, and Radio France Internationale support policies against extremism and propaganda (for instance, fake news). The services of the discussed radio stations are related to the policies the United States of America, United Kingdom, and France put forward against ISIL and international terrorism, but also to those actions that support democratic changes in the countries affected by war and political unrest.
The aim of the article is to analyze the image of Poland on Russian state television in the context of the introduction of a new decommunization law in Poland. The subjects of qualitative analysis are Russian information and journalistic programs devoted to the demolition of Soviet soldiers' monuments in Poland. The author hypothesizes about a change in the provision of information and sharpening media narrative. The application of the content analysis of the presenters and guests' statements made it possible to obtain an answer on Poland's image and current level of political and social talk shows. Selected programs deal not only with the demolition of monuments to Soviet soldiers but are also devoted to current Russian-Polish political relations. The conclusions that can be drawn from the analysis of the programs indicate a significant increase in anti-Polish sentiments, intensified by the leading journalists. Political talk show programs spread a negative and biased picture of Poland in Russian society. ; Celem artykułu jestanaliza obrazu Polski w państwowej rosyjskiej telewizji w kontekście wprowadzenia nowej ustawy dekomunizacyjnej w Polsce. Przedmiotem analizy jakościowej są rosyjskie programy informacyjno-publicystyczne poświęcone rozbiórce pomników żołnierzy radzieckich w Polsce. Autorka stawia hipotezę o zmianie w przekazywaniu informacji i zaostrzeniu narracji medialnej. Zastosowanie analizy zawartości wypowiedzi prowadzących i gości pozwoliła na uzyskanie odpowiedzi na temat obrazu Polski i obecnego poziomu programów telewizyjnych talk show o charakterze polityczno-społecznym. Wybrane programy traktują nie tylko o rozbiórce pomników żołnierzy radzieckich, lecz także poświęcone są obecnym relacjom politycznym rosyjsko-polskim. Wnioski, które można wyciągnąć z analizy programów to znaczny wzrost nastrojów antypolskich, które wzmagają prowadzący dziennikarze. Programy typu polityczne talk show rozpowszechniają w społeczeństwie rosyjskim negatywny i stronniczy obraz Polski.
The victory of utopian political institutions in the Soviet Union largely affected the book system in that country. The transformation in question reflected the utopian model of the political system implemented in the former Russia. The author describes the essence of that transformation analyzing particular instances of the Bolshevik censorship and propaganda of the Stalinist period and pointing that the roots of the transformation in question are to be seen in the history of political myths rather than in social utopianism. Translated by Dorota Chabrajska ; Zwycięstwo utopijnych instytucji politycznych w Związku Radzieckim wpłynęło na transformację systemu książki w tym państwie. Transformacja ta odzwierciedlała również utopijny charakter realizowanego systemu politycznego. Autor przedstawia istotę tej transformacji na przykładach bolszewickiej cenzury i propagandy czasów stalinowskich, wskazując, że jej korzenie tkwią raczej w historii politycznych mitów niż w społecznym utopizmie.
The paper has the objective to present public diplomacy as a discipline requiring interdisciplinary approach. At the current stage of development of the discipline, the approach rooted in the theory of international relations is dominating. The author suggests inclusion of the tools used for the analysis of political communication into the body of research on new public diplomacy. Therefore, there is nothing more as an aggregate of paradigms and tools of two disciplines implemented at the moment.Public diplomacy was defined in the paper as a symmetrical form of international, political communication targeted at foreign public opinion in order to facilitate the achievement of the goals of state abroad. Currently, the adjective "new" as added to public diplomacy, means that new public diplomacy is different from informational public diplomacy of United States before the liquidation of USIA. The new public diplomacy acknowledges non state organizations as actors of international relations and adjusts to the logic of globalization. New public diplomacy should not be equalized with political propaganda. ; The paper has the objective to present public diplomacy as a discipline requiring interdisciplinary approach. At the current stage of development of the discipline, the approach rooted in the theory of international relations is dominating. The author suggests inclusion of the tools used for the analysis of political communication into the body of research on new public diplomacy. Therefore, there is nothing more as an aggregate of paradigms and tools of two disciplines implemented at the moment.Public diplomacy was defined in the paper as a symmetrical form of international, political communication targeted at foreign public opinion in order to facilitate the achievement of the goals of state abroad. Currently, the adjective "new" as added to public diplomacy, means that new public diplomacy is different from informational public diplomacy of United States before the liquidation of USIA. The new public diplomacy acknowledges non state organizations as actors of international relations and adjusts to the logic of globalization. New public diplomacy should not be equalized with political propaganda.
The day before of Franco-Russian 1812 war, on June 28th the Seym of the Duchy of Warsaw established the General Confederation of the Kingdom of Poland, which re-stored the Kingdom of Poland. Tadeusz Matuszewicz, the Minister of Revenue and the Treasury, expressed the already famous words: "So Poland will arise. What am I saying? There is Poland now, or rather it has never ceased to be", which caused patriotic euphoria and movement among the members in the Seym chamber. Members of the Confedera-tion, which Napoleon understood as an armed uprising, having no powers, soon lost their enthusiasm, and their activity was actually publishing propaganda brochures. After defeat in Russia, Napoleon blamed the failure on his ambassador in the Duchy of Warsaw, Dominique de Pradt, who started to critise the government of the Duchy of Warsaw. This article presents the role of Tadeusz Matuszewicz in the establishment and final failure of the General Confederation of the Kingdom of Poland.
Behind–the–scenes Aspects of "A Coporal's Letter to a General"The brief, three sentence–long letter written on 8 November 1982 by the "Solidarity" Chairman Lech Wałęsa to the First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Polish United Workers' Party, Prime Minister, and Chairman of the Military Council of National Salvation Wojciech Jaruzelski, became known as "a corporal's letter to a general". Subsequently, it was used for propaganda purposes by the authorities of the People's Republic of Poland, but ultimately it contributed to their defeat. The leaders of People's Poland tried to urge Wałęsa to write a version much more favourable for their cause, and when that failed they resorted to threats. The letter expressed the concern and qualms of the Solidarity chairman in view of the underground Provisional Coordination Committee's plans to stage on 10 November 1982 a protest against the delegalisation of the union. Paradoxically, we cannot exclude the probability that one of the factors contributing to the letter's origin were Wałęsa's fears for the state of his health.
Behind–the–scenes Aspects of "A Coporal's Letter to a General"The brief, three sentence–long letter written on 8 November 1982 by the "Solidarity" Chairman Lech Wałęsa to the First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Polish United Workers' Party, Prime Minister, and Chairman of the Military Council of National Salvation Wojciech Jaruzelski, became known as "a corporal's letter to a general". Subsequently, it was used for propaganda purposes by the authorities of the People's Republic of Poland, but ultimately it contributed to their defeat. The leaders of People's Poland tried to urge Wałęsa to write a version much more favourable for their cause, and when that failed they resorted to threats. The letter expressed the concern and qualms of the Solidarity chairman in view of the underground Provisional Coordination Committee's plans to stage on 10 November 1982 a protest against the delegalisation of the union. Paradoxically, we cannot exclude the probability that one of the factors contributing to the letter's origin were Wałęsa's fears for the state of his health.
The 2005 Israeli disengagement from the Gaza Strip dramatically changed the political situation of said territory. Due to the poor economic situation of its inhabitants, itself caused by years of Israeli policy of isolation, and general perception of being mistreated by the Israeli government, the power vacuum created in the wake of the withdrawal was filled by Hamas. The fundamentalists took control of the Gaza Strip in 2007, which caused the decision-makers in Tel Aviv to take radical measures to deal with the organization. A tight blockade of the Gaza Strip was introduced and while it may have curbed some of Hamas activities, it also worsened the living conditions of the inhabitants, creating a humanitarian crisis. Israeli policy has been criticized by many members of the international community. Moreover, Tel Aviv carried out several military operations, two of which ("Cast Lead" in 2008/2009 and "Protective Edge" in 2014) were characterized by signifi cantly high numbers of civilian deaths. All of these actions, aimed at eliminating terrorists and improving Israeli citizens` security, seem to be rather short-sighted. Israeli policy only popularizes Hamas propaganda among Palestinians, therefore strengthening the organization and creating a vicious circle of misery and violence.
