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"Populism, Eco-populism, and the Future of Environmentalism analyzes the history and language of populism in order to fully comprehend the threat of eco-fascism - paradoxically revealing that it is possible for there to be both progressive eco-populist and right-wing sham eco-populist discourses. The book highlights the harrowing prospect that the crises of democracy now confronting countries such as the United States may culminate in forms of eco-fascism in a world increasingly divided over issues of economic and social inequality, immigration, and competition for dwindling resources. The author reveals that there is a language of eco-populism that accompanies populist and sham populist discourse of the left and right as ecological crises have assumed a more prominent role in national and global politics. These crises are exacerbated by the willingness of the fossil fuel industry to destabilize democracy in order to forestall government-imposed limits on carbon emissions and elimination of fossil fuel subsidies that threaten their profits. The book, primarily a work of political and ecological theory, draws on the history of populism as well as the history of conservation and modern environmental movements to make an innovative argument - that a radical form of right-wing sham eco-populism that emerged out of the crucible of the energy crisis and recession of the 1970s has substantially contributed to the crises we now face. The author maintains that the only plausible solution to current political and ecological crises is a progressive eco-populism that combines environmental justice and sustainability with economic and social justice, and offers resources that can help construct a democratic and inclusive movement and culture. A progressive eco-populist vision has led to proposals for a Green New Deal and the development of the Build Back Better Act currently being considered by the U.S. Congress, but the stalemate between progressive and conservative Democrats over the bill reveals both the compromised state of U.S. representative democracy and the need for a stronger movement to hold politicians and government accountable. This book will be of great interest to students, scholars, and researchers of environmental politics, environmental history, and environmental philosophy, as well as sociology, political science, and history"--

Recent years have seen a gradual shift in focus of international policies from a national and regional perspective to that of cities, a shift which is closely related to the rapid urbanization of developing countries. As revealed in the 2011 Revision of the World Urbanization Prospects published by the United Nations, 51% of the global population (approximately 3.6 billion people) lives in cities. The report predicts that by 2050, the world's urban population will increase by 2.3 billion, making up 68% of the population. The growth of urbanization in the next few decades is expected to primarily come from developing countries, one third of which will be in China and India. With rapid urbanization and the ongoing growth of mega cities, cities must become increasingly resilient and intelligent to cope with numerous challenges and crises like droughts and floods arising from extreme climate, destruction brought by severe natural disasters, and aggregated social contradictions resulting from economic crises. All cities face the urban development dynamics and uncertainties arising from these problems. Under such circumstances, cities are considered the critical path from crisis to prosperity, so scholars and organizations have proposed the construction of "resilient cities." On the one hand, this theory emphasizes cities' defenses and buffering capacity against disasters, crises and uncertainties, as well as recovery after destruction; on the other hand, it highlights the learning capacity of urban systems, identification of opportunities amid challenges, and maintenance of development vitality. Some scholars even believe that urban resilience is a powerful supplement to sustainable development. Hence, resilience assessment has become the latest and most important perspective for evaluating the development and crisis defense capacity of cities. Rather than a general abstract concept, urban resilience is a comprehensive measurement of a city's level of development. The dynamic development of problems is reflected through quantitative indicators and appraisal systems not only from the perspective of academic research, but also governmental policy, so as to scientifically guide development, and measure and compare cities' development levels. Although international scholars have proposed quantitative methods for urban resilience assessment, they are however insufficiently systematic and regionally adaptive for China's current urban development needs. On the basis of comparative study on European and North American resilient city theories, therefore, this paper puts forwards a theoretical framework for resilient city systems consistent with China's national conditions in light of economic development pressure, natural resource depletion, pollution, and other salient development crises in China. The key factors influencing urban resilience are taken into full consideration; expert appraisal is conducted based on the Delphi Method and the analytic hierarchy process (AHP) to design an extensible and updatable resilient city evaluation system which is sufficiently systematic, geographically adaptable, and sustainable for China's current urban development needs. Finally, Changsha is taken as the main case for empirical study on comprehensive evaluation of similar cities in Central China to improve the indicator system.

Introduction : the worlds of environmental justice / Ryan Holifield, Jayajit Chakraborty, and Gordon Walker -- Historicizing the personal and the political : evolving racial formations and the environmental justice movement / Laura Pulido -- 3social movements for environmental justice through the lens of social movement theory / Diane M. Sicotte and Robert J. Brulle -- Environmental justice movements and political opportunity structures / David N. Pellow -- Environmental justice and rational choice theory / William M. Bowen -- The political economy of environmental justice / Daniel Faber -- Feminism and environmental justice / Greta Gaard -- Opening black boxes : environmental justice and injustice through the lens of science and technology studies / Gwen Ottinger -- Procedural environmental justice / Derek Bell and Jayne Carrick -- The recognition paradigm of environmental injustice / Kyle Whyte -- A capabilities approach to environmental injustice / Rosie Day -- Vulnerability, equality, and environmental justice : the potential and limits of law / Sheila Foster -- Environmental human rights / Kerri Woods -- Sustainability discourses and justice : towards social-ecological justice / Ulrika Gunnarsson-Östling and Åsa Svenfelt -- Spatial representation and estimation of environmental risk : a review of analytic approaches / Jayajit Chakraborty -- Assessing population at risk : areal interpolation and dasymetric mapping / Juliana Maantay and Andrew Maroko -- Application of spatial statistical techniques / Jeremy Mennis and Megan Heckert -- Historical approaches to environmental justice / Christopher G. Boone and Geoffrey L. Buckley -- The ethics of embodied engagement : ethnographies of environmental justice / Kathleen M. de Onís and Phaedra C. Pezzullo -- Storytelling environmental justice : cultural studies approaches / Donna Houston and Pavithra Vasudevan -- Facilitating transdisciplinary conversations in environmental justice studies / Jonathan K. London, Julie Sze, and Mary L. Cadenasso -- Cumulative risk assessment : an analytic tool to inform policy choices about environmental justice / Ken Sexton and Stephen H. Linder -- A review of community-engaged research approaches used to achieve environmental justice and eliminate disparities / Jacoby Wilson, Aaron Aber, Lindsey Wright, and Vivek Ravichandran -- Participatory GIS and community-based citizen science for environmental justice action / Muki Haklay and Louise Francis -- Streams of toxic and hazardous waste disparities, politics, and policy / Troy D. Abel and Mark Stephan -- Air pollution and respiratory health : does better evidence lead to policy paralysis? / Michael Buzzelli -- Water justice : key concepts, debates and research agendas / Leila M. Harris, Scott McKenzie, Lucy Rodina, Sameer H. Shah, Nicole J. Wilson -- Environmental justice and flood hazards : a conceptual framework applied to emerging findings and future research needs / Timothy W. Collins and Sara E. Grineski -- Climate change and environmental justice / Philip Coventry and Chukwumerije Okereke -- Environmental justice and large-scale mining / Leire Urkidi and Mariana Walter -- Justice in energy system transitions : a synthesis and agenda / Karen Bickerstaff -- Transportation and environmental justice : history and emerging practice / Alex Karner, Aaron Golub, Karel Martens, Glenn Robinson -- Food justice : an environmental justice approach to food and agriculture / Alison Hope Alkon -- Environmental crime and justice : a green criminological examination / Michael J. Lynch and Kimberly L. Barrett -- Urban parks, gardens and greenspace / Jason Byrne -- Urban planning, community (re)development, and environmental gentrification : emerging challenges for green and equitable neighbourhoods / Isabelle Anguelovski, Anna Livia Brand, Eric Chu, and Kian Goh -- Just conservation : the evolving relationship between society and protected areas / Maureen G. Reed and Colleen George -- Free-market economics, multinational corporations and environmental justice in a globalized world / Ruchi Anand -- Global environmental justice / Leah Temper -- Environmental justice for a changing arctic and its original peoples / Alana Shaw -- Environmental injustice in resource-rich Aboriginal Australia / Donna Green, Marianne Sullivan and Karrina Nolan -- Environmental justice across borders : lessons from the US-Mexico borderlands / Sara E. Grineski and Timothy W. Collins -- The dawn of environmental justice? : the record of left and socialist governance in Central and South America / Karen Bell -- Urban environmental (in)justice in Latin America : the case of Chile / Alexis Vásquez, Michael Lukas, Marcela Salgado and José Mayorga -- Environmental justice in Nigeria : divergent tales, paradoxes and future prospects / Rhuks T. Ako and Damilola S. Olawuyi -- Sub-imperial ecosystem management in Africa : continental implications of South African environmental injustices / Patrick Bond -- Environmental justice and attachment to place : Australian cases / David Schlosberg, Lauren Rickards, and Jason Byrne -- Environmental justice in South and Southeast Asia : inequalities and struggles in rural and urban contexts / Pratyusha Basu -- Environmental justice in a transitional and transboundary context in East Asia / Mei-Fang Fan and Kuei-Tien Chou -- Environmental justice in Western Europe / Heike Köckler, Séverine Deguen, Andrea Ranzi, Anders Melin, and Gordon Walker -- Environmental justice in Central and Eastern Europe : mobilization, stagnation, and detraction / Tamara Steger, Richard Filcak, and Krista Harper

Introduction to the book: indicators and post truth / Simon Bell and Stephen Morse -- Bellagio STAMP: principles for sustainability assessment and measurement / László Pintér, Peter Hardi, André Martinuzzi, Jon Hall -- Contributions to the Evolving theory and practice of indicators of sustainability / Arthur Lyon Dahl -- Substantiating the rough consensus on concept of sustainable development as point of departure for indicator development / Walter J.V. Vermeulen -- From crises and gurus to science and metrics: Yale's Environmental Performance Index and the rise of data-driven policymaking / Daniel C. Esty and John W. Emerson -- The limits of sustainability and resilience frameworks: lessons from agri-food system research / Sarah Rotz and Evan Fraser -- Lessons from the history of GDP in the effort to create better indicators of prosperity, well-being, and happiness / Robert Costanza, Maureen Hart, Ida Kubiszewski, Steve Posner, and John Talberth -- A systems-theoretical perspective on sustainable development and indicators / Paul-Marie Boulanger -- World views, interests and indicator choices / Joachim H. Spangenberg -- Sustainability indicators and certification schemes for the built environment / Catalina Turcu -- Measuring water scarcity and water consumption / Jonathan Chenoweth -- Participatory approaches for the development and evaluation of Sustainability Indicators / Simon Bell and Stephen Morse -- Environmental governance indicators and indices in support of policy-making / Dora Almassy and Laszlo Pinter -- Environmentally Sustainable National Income, an Indicator / Roefie Hueting and Bart de Boer -- Green accounting: balancing environment and economy / Peter Bartelmus -- Ecological Footprint Accounts: Principles / Mathis Wackernagel, Alessandro Galli, Laurel Hanscom, David Lin, Laetitia Mailhes and Tony Drummond -- Governing by numbers: China, Viet Nam, and Malaysia's adaptation of the Environmental Performance Index / Angel Hsu -- The Human Sustainable Development Index / Giangiacomo Bravo -- The Environmental Performance Index: does this reflect reality? / Elisabeth Conrad and Louis F Cassar -- Sustainability-related indicators developed for governments / Lucas Reijnders -- Sustainable development indicators Finland: Going from large descriptive sets to target oriented actively used indicators / Ulla Rosenström -- The Socio-Ecological System (SES) approach to sustainable development indicators / Gilberto C. Gallopin -- UNEP and the CSD process for sustainable development indicators / Arthur Lyon Dahl -- Prospects for standardising sustainable urban development / Simon Joss and Yvonne Rydin -- Stakeholder-driven initiatives using sustainability indicators / Ana Rita Domingues, Rodrigo Lozano and Tomás B. Ramos -- How evil is aggregation? lessons from the Dashboard of Sustainability / Jochen Jesinghaus -- Criteria and indicators to audit the performance of complex, multi-functional forest landscapes / Dwi Amalia Sari, Chris Margules, Agni Klintuni Boedhihartono and Jeffrey Sayer -- The devil is in the detail! Sustainability assessment of African smallholder farming by/ Wytze Marinus, Esther Ronner, Gerrie W. J. van de Ven, Fred Kanampiu, Samuel Adjei-Nsiah and Ken E. Giller -- Sustainable agricultural intensification and measuring the immeasurable: Do we have a choice? / Philip Grabowski, Mark Musumba, Cheryl Palm and Sieglinde Snapp -- Relevance: A neglected feature of sustainability indicators / Svatava Janouková, Tomás Hák and Bedrich Moldan -- Measurement matters: toward data-driven environmental policy-making / Daniel C. Esty -- Meta-evaluation of Sustainability Indicators: from organizational to national level / Tomás B. Ramos and Sandra Caeiro -- Ecological Footprint Accounts: criticisms and applications / Mathis Wackernagel, Alessandro Galli, Laurel Hanscom, David Lin, Laetitia Mailhes and Tony Drummond -- Where next? / Simon Bell and Stephen Morse

Part I. Slavery, survival, and community building / Kidada E. Williams -- "An address to the slaves of the United States" / Henry Highland Garnet -- From life and adventures of Charles Ball / Charles Ball -- From incidents in the life of a slave girl / Harriet Jacobs -- "Roll Jordan roll" / adapted by Nicholas Britell -- "I've been in the storm so long" -- "Before Charleston's church shooting, a long history of attacks" / Douglas R. Egerton -- "The first attack on Charleston's AME Church" / Maurie McInnis -- From "sweet dreams of freedom': freedwomen's reconstruction of life and labor in lowcountry South Carolina" / Leslie Schwalm -- From soul by soul: life inside the antebellum slave market / Walter Johnson -- From saltwater slavery: a middle passage from Africa to American diaspora / Stephanie E. Smallwood -- From in the shadow of slavery: African Americans in New York City, 1626-1863 / Leslie M. Harris -- Part II. Religious life, spirituality, and racial identity / Keisha N. Blain -- From religious experience and journal of Mrs. Jarena Lee, giving an account of her call to preach the gospel / Jarena Lee -- "Amazing grace" / John Newton -- "Love and terror in the Black church" / Michael Eric Dyson -- "The long and proud history of Charleston's AME Church" / Manisha Sinha -- "The condition of Black life is one of mourning" / Claudia Rankine -- From African American religion: a very short introduction / Eddie S. Glaude -- From "bitter herbs and a lock of hair: recollections of Africa in slave narratives of the Garrisonian era" / Jermaine O. Archer -- From Islam in Black America: identity, liberation, and difference in African American Islamic thought / Edward Curtis -- From God's long summer: stories of faith and civil rights / Charles Marsh -- From songs of Zion: the African Methodist Episcopal Church in the United States and South Africa / James Campbell -- Part III. The Civil War and Reconstruction in history and memory / Kidada E. Williams -- "The Civil Rights Bill": extracts from a speech delivered in the House of Representatives / Robert Brown Elliot -- "Declaration of the immediate causes which induce and justify the secession of South Carolina from the federal union" -- From "The Constitution of the Confederate States" / with annotations by Stephanie McCurry -- "Corner stone speech" / Alexander H. Stephens -- "No more auction block for me" / Gustavus D. Pike -- From "A second Haitian revolution: John Brown, Toussaint Louverture, and the making of the American Civil War" / Matthew Clavin -- From Black over White: Negro political leadership in South Carolina during Reconstruction / Thomas C. Holt -- From to joy my freedom: southern Black womens' lives and labors after the Civil War / Tera W. Hunter -- From Confederate reckoning: power and politics in the Civil War south / Stephanie McCurry -- From terror in the heart of freedom: citizenship, sexual violence, and the meaning of race in the post-emancipation south / Hannah Rosen -- Part IV. Jim Crow, racial politics, and global White supremacy / Kidada E. Williams -- From Plessy v. Ferguson / Supreme Court of the United States (163 U.S. 537) -- From "Declaration of the rights of the Negro peoples of the world: the principles of the Universal Negro Improvement Association" / Marcus Garvey and the UNIA -- "Call to the march" / Asa Philip Randolph -- From "The souls of White folk" / W.E.B. Du Bois -- From a red record / Ida B. Wells-Barnett -- "If we must die" / Claude McKay -- "Strange fruit" / Abel Meeropol and Billie Holliday -- "Rhodesian flag, Confederate flag: roof and the legacies of racial hate" / Benjamin Foldy -- From southern horrors: women and the politics of rape and lynching / Crystal N. Feimster -- From "We are not what we seem': rethinking Black working-class opposition in the Jim Crow south" / Robin D.G. Kelley -- From "to speak when and where I can': African American women's political activism in South Carolina in the 1940s and 1950s" / Cherisse Jones-Branch -- From the possessive investment in whiteness: how White people profit from identity politics / George Lipsitz -- "Blackness beyond boundaries': navigating the political economies of global inequality" / Manning Marable -- Part V. Civil rights and Black power / Chad Williams -- "Testimony before the Credentials Committee, Democratic National Convention, Atlantic City, New Jersey" / Fannie Lou Hamer -- "We shall overcome" -- "Mississippi Goddam" / Nina Simone -- "The Black agenda--Gary declaration: Black politics at the crossroads" / National Black Political Convention -- "Is it time to reevaluate the church's role in the civil rights movement?" / Robin Blake -- "More than a seat on the bus" / Danielle McGuire -- From "Joanne is you and Joanne is me': a consideration of african american women and the 'free joan little' movement, 1974-75" / Genna Rae McNeil -- From "could history repeat itself? the prospects for a second reconstruction in post-World War II South Carolina" / Robert Korstad -- From up south: civil rights and Black power in Philadelphia / Matthew Countryman -- From we will shoot back: armed resistance in the Mississippi freedom movement / Akinyele Umoja -- Part VI. Contemporary perspectives on race and racial violence / Chad Williams -- "Remarks by the president in eulogy for the honorable Reverend Clementa Pinckney, College of Charleston, Charleston, South Carolina" / Barack Obama -- "The blacker the berry" / Kendrick Lamar -- From "Investigation of the Ferguson Police Department" / United States Department of Justice Civil Rights Division -- "Speech on Walter Scott shooting" / Clementa Pinckney -- "Black bodies, White terrorism: a global reimagining of forgiveness" / Esther Armah -- "Ella taught me: shattering the myth of the leaderless movement" / Barbara Ransby -- "On the pole for freedom: Bree Newsome's politics, theory, and theology of resistance" / Brittney Cooper -- From hate thy neighbor: move in violence and the persistence of racial segregation in housing / Jeannine Bell -- From Charleston in Black and White: race and power in the south after the civil rights movement / Steve Estes -- From not even past: Barack Obama and the burden of race / Thomas Sugrue -- From "African American women, mass incarceration, and the politics of protection" / Kali Nicole Gross

An unambiguous assessment of the results of changes in the post-communist political regime of Ukraine is hardly possible. The political system of this country has experienced both periods of democratic expectations & democratic setbacks during the last fifteen years. For example, in 1990-1994, before the first competitive parliamentary elections, there was a clear fragmentation among the old (communist) political elite in Ukraine; the country's first democratic constitution was adopted in 1996. However, after Leonid Kuchma was elected President in 1994, authoritarian tendencies gradually recrudesced, "oligarchic" clans took hold of the country's political system, & the elections were increasingly blatantly manipulated & rigged to the advantage of the ruling elite. This cycle of political development recurred ten years later. Manipulations of the results of the 2004 presidential election raised a massive protest among the inhabitants of Ukraine, which was symbolically dubbed the "Orange Revolution." A new influx of democratic expectations forced the ruling elite to concede to re-running the second round of Ukraine's presidential election, which was won by the opposition. However, the political crisis which struck the new government in September 2005 & the mutual accusations of corruption raised by the former "revolutionary" comrades-in-arms -- President Viktor Yushchenko & former Prime Minister Yuliya Tymoshenko -- raised new questions regarding the vitality of the democratic processes in Ukraine. The main question examined in this article is therefore whether the vacillation of Ukraine's political regime is not a regular, permanent condition. Having two main aims -- (1) to construct a theory of Ukraine's post-soviet political transformation, & (2) to disclose the possibilities of democracy consolidation in this country -- the article starts with making some "corrections" to the transitologist approach to regime change. Firstly, it is argued that political transformation theories should have a shared concept of democracy, irrespective of the number or type of the stages of democratization distinguished. The experience of post-communist countries shows that formal procedural democratic criteria are insufficient in order to characterize a political system as democratic. Secondly, traditional theories of regime change focus mostly on the analysis of the behavior of the main political actors (the political elite) & their decisions (agreements). The structural conditions (eg., the characteristics of socio-economic development) should be also included into theoretical thinking about regime change. Thirdly, the analysis of elites & their agreements is sufficiently developed to explain how & when the transition to democracy occurs. However, the democratic consolidation stage has remained somewhat mystified by 'transitologists.' The article argues that an assumption should probably be made that the behavior of political elite factions competing in the political system is always rational & self-interested, ie., democracy (or any other form of political regime) becomes "the only game in town" only if & when it is mostly advantageous for the political elite functioning in that system. Taking into account the above mentioned "corrections" to the transitologist approach, in the article, there is produced a model for analyzing post-soviet regime transformations. The model consists of three main explanatory variables: (1) the structure of political elite, (2) the 'rules of game' prevalent in the system, & (3) the strategies of political elite aiming at gaining business and/or mass support. Consequently, various interrelations of these variables may produce four possible ideal-type outcomes of regime change -- (1) democracy, (2) 'democracy with adjectives,' (3) zero-sum game (a very unstable option when political regime may be temporarily democratic but is at a huge risk of downfall), (4) authoritarianism. In post-soviet countries, it is not enough to examine the structure of political elite & the institutions in order to predict the consolidation of one or another form of political regime. 'Building politicians' "alliances" with business & (or) mobilizing mass support may negate any such predictions & produce additional (regressive, in terms of democratization) impulses to further regime change. The very possibilities of the political elite to form "alliances" with business & (or) to mobilize the masses are mostly determined by the structural characteristics of the country. Thus, the analysis of the latter may not also be omitted in examining post-soviet transitions. Political regime in Ukraine, which beginning of 1990s started evolving as a probable liberal democracy or at least 'democracy with adjectives,' after 1998 Verkhovna Rada elections moved to the situation of the zero-sum game. Such transition was conditioned by two factors. First, the changes within political elite structure -- the communist camp, which occupied an important, although not the most important place in the pluralist political elite structure in 1994-1998, became an anti-systemic political force after the adoption of the 1996 Constitution. For these reasons, only two opposing elite factions (oligarchs-"centrists" vs. national democrats) remained in the political system of Ukraine after the 1998 elections, the ideological confrontation of which was constantly increasing & became particularly acute at the outset of the "Orange Revolution" in 2004. Second, the fact that the business class in Ukraine was forming with the "assistance" of politicians allowed the political elite to build an alliance with business community already in 1994-1996 & maintain these tight clientelist relations even after the privatization period was over. When at the end of 2004 the national democrats gathered mass support & became virtually equal or even more influential than the so-called "centrists," who traditionally draw support from business structures, the zero-sum game in Ukraine became especially acute. Such it remains by now, even after the Orange revolution is over. In more than ten years of independence the business community of Ukraine has consolidated its positions in the Verkhovna Rada & accumulated control over almost all national TV channels & other media outlets, as well as separate industrial regions. Therefore even anti-oligarchically disposed government cannot ignore this power. The ruling elite that cares about its survival & political success is forced to co-ordinate its decisions with the interests of various business clans. On the other hand, since Ukraine's business class consists of several competing clans, any government decisions that seek to limit the political influence of business groups immediately affect the interests of competing business clans. The government cannot remain neutral in principal. Any attempts of the supposed "deoligarchisation" will only result in provoking sharper disagreements between business groups because the curtailment of the positions of one clan will open new prospects for the strengthening of the influence of its competitors. It may be argued that for these reasons there will always be at least one (and, most likely, the strongest one) oligarchic political camp supported by an "alliance" with business. In other words, Ukraine's political regime does not have any chance to be consolidated in the liberal democracy perspective. Another structural characteristic of Ukraine is the politically unorganized working class. At least several competing political forces claim to represent the workers' interests -- the Communist Party of Ukraine, the Socialist Party of Ukraine, & the Progressive Socialist Party of Ukraine. The internal competition among the left-wing forces encourages at least one of them (the Communist Party of Ukraine, the Progressive Socialist Party) to take a radical, anti-systemic position in order that potential supporters may distinguish it from other leftist parties. Therefore, it is likely that the political system of Ukraine will preserve a left-wing segment that will not wield much power but will propagate an anti-systemic ideology without "communicating" with other political forces. Due to its anti-systemic nature it will not be able to participate in the government of the state & the votes of the left-wing voters (comprising the basis for mass support) will probably be collected by the national democrats. This circumstance enables predicting that the zero-sum game will remain very intensive in Ukraine in the future as well. Thus, the permanent instability of the state & both -- democracy & authoritarianism -- in Ukraine (a zero-sum game) may actually be considered to be its consolidated political regime form. Adapted from the source document.