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近年来,针对就业和就学中遭遇歧视的困境,中国乙肝携带者发起一场要求消除歧视、维护合法权益的抗争运动。为什么乙肝携带者就业歧视问题在中国如此显著?面对国家和市场这两大最具权势的系统,公民社会将何以对抗?本文旨在从社会学的视角对这场"将'乙肝'去除"的运动进行解读。 ; 本文采用个案研究方法,以北京益仁平中心为主要研究对象,围绕 "乙肝"在中国的建构和重构过程,将研究聚焦于三个方面:第一,乙肝污名化过程以及国家、市场中的话语权;第二,反乙肝歧视维权运动的条件和动员机制;第三,"将'乙肝'去除"中的政治和权力话语三角。 ; 本文从社会运动理论中的资源动员、政治机会结构和框架理论出发解读中国乙肝携带者的维权运动;将运动中的微观景象与宏观社会结构结合起来,考察影响乙肝携带者维权运动的主要因素以及运动的动员机制。研究伊始分别从国家和市场两个领域审视乙肝歧视问题在中国的建构过程,阐明乙肝污名化是政府权威以及市场中医药商和医学权威共谋下的合力作用,从而为乙肝携带者反歧视抗争运动的后续研究选择一个合适的立足点。笔者在案例中发现,组织在维权运动中将乙肝携带者群体动员起来,采取有效的策略,充分利用其在资源获得方面的优势、建立乙肝维权组织网络、善于把握时机营造政治机会空间、并能够吸纳律师和媒体的专业力量是维权行动能取得成功的重要因素。 ; 组织在维权行动中的话语框架对运动的发展至关重要。乙肝携带者群体对组织运动框架的认同是动员成功的基础;掌握定义"乙肝"的主动权、运动领袖的可信性、框架话语表达的日常化、与媒体的良好关系等策略有助于框架在动员中与参与者、旁观者产生共鸣;抗争精英通过话语框架为抗争活动提供合法性。 ; 反乙肝歧视维权运动可以看作是一个"将'乙肝'去除"的"去污名化"运动。一方面,中央政府与地方政府有着各自自主性利益;另一方面,乙肝携带者群体内部就抗争形式也难以统一,这两种分裂情况交叉形成了一个围绕"将'乙肝'去除"的,以规则、效益和权利为话语的权力三角,支撑反歧视行动的抗争空间。权力三角的多变性决定去除"乙肝"的行动是有策略的、冒险的,但却相对稳定。 ; Hepatitis B Virus carriers (HBVers) have launched series social movements targeting at eliminating discriminations against HBVers in job market and promoting fair employment in recent decade of years. Why does nowhere match the HBV discrimination in such country like China? How is contentious politics possible when the powerless engage in struggles with power holders, like state and market in China? The thesis attempts to learn the intricacies of body politics with sociological approaches. ; Yirenping, a NGO located in Beijing, is selected as research object in this case study. Concentrating on the political nature of the HBV confrontations, this thesis is comprised of three parts: first, the stigmatization of HBV in China; second, tactics and strategies that employed against the system of discrimination; third, the politics of "Removing HBV" and the power triangle among state, market and civil society. ; The analysis of the HBV movement is informed by three sociological theories of social movements: resource mobilization, political opportunity structure and framing, meanwhile macro structure and micro interaction are combined. It is ...

Leung, Yan Cheong. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2009. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 150-159). ; Abstract also in Chinese. ; Chapter Chapter 1: --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter ■ --- Research Objectives --- p.3 ; Chapter ■ --- Literature Review --- p.5 ; Chapter ■ --- Use of Primary Sources --- p.9 ; Chapter ■ --- Structure --- p.11 ; Chapter Chapter 2: --- Governing Objectives behind the Railway Developments --- p.13 ; Chapter ■ --- Initial Motives --- p.13 ; Chapter ■ --- Political Objectives and Financial Concerns as the Determinative Factors --- p.22 ; Chapter ■ --- Railway Developments since the 1970s --- p.33 ; Chapter ■ --- Changing Meanings of Success in Railway Development --- p.35 ; Chapter ■ --- Summary of Chapter 2 --- p.35 ; Chapter Chapter 3: --- Hong Kong-London Relations and the MTR Development (I): Bilateral Negotiation and the Decisions on the MTR --- p.37 ; Chapter ■ --- Nature of London-Hong Kong Relations after the WWII --- p.37 ; Chapter ■ --- The Contract Approaches --- p.40 ; Chapter ■ --- The Process of Bilateral Negotiation --- p.42 ; Chapter ■ --- Hong Kong Government´ةs Strategy --- p.43 ; Chapter ■ --- London´ةs Strategy --- p.46 ; Chapter ■ --- Summary of Chapter 3 --- p.53 ; Chapter Chapter 4: --- Hong Kong-London Relations and the MTR Development (II): Negotiation Breakdown and Its Impacts --- p.55 ; Chapter ■ --- The Negotiation Breakdown --- p.55 ; Chapter ■ --- The Adoption of Multi-contract Approach: a Contingency Plan --- p.59 ; Chapter ■ --- Collaborate with London --- p.64 ; Chapter ■ --- Summary of Chapter 4 --- p.68 ; Chapter Chapter 5: --- Colonial Governance and Major Decisions on the MTR in the 1970s --- p.70 ; Chapter ■ --- The Establishment of MTRC --- p.70 ; Chapter ■ --- Optimizing the Project --- p.75 ; Chapter ■ --- Civil Protests and Crises Management --- p.83 ; Chapter ■ --- Summary of Chapter 5 --- p.91 ; Chapter Chapter 6: --- A Review on the Modernization of Kowloon-Canton Railway --- p.93 ; Chapter ■ --- KCR´ةs ...

Ma Lai Yee. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 105-109). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Acknowledgements --- p.i ; Abstract (English version) --- p.ii ; Abstract (Chinese version) --- p.iii ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction ; Political use of the Internet: Utopian or distopian? --- p.1 ; Virtual communities and social movements --- p.4 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Political and Technological Landscape in Hong Kong ; Chapter I) --- Political Background ; The Handover of Hong Kong to China in1997 --- p.7 ; The Tradition of Pro-democracy movement in Hong Kong --- p.8 ; The 1 July Rally in2003 --- p.9 ; Chapter II) --- Technological Background ; Internet Penetration in Hong Kong --- p.11 ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- Review of Literature ; Chapter I) --- "Internet, Uses and Gratifications and political effects" ; The Uses and Gratifications Approach: Theoretical assumptions --- p.14 ; Uses and Gratifications and the Internet --- p.15 ; Gratifications and Political media use --- p.17 ; "Internet usage, Gratifications and Political effects" --- p.19 ; Chapter II) --- "Social movement, collective identity and the Internet" ; Social Movements in contemporary social context --- p.23 ; Collective Identity in Social Movements --- p.26 ; Identity Formation in Computer-mediated Communication --- p.28 ; The Internet as a Social Movement Medium --- p.30 ; Chapter Chapter 4 --- Cyberactivism in Hong Kong ; 1 July Protest and Cyber Activism in Hong Kong --- p.36 ; The Case: Yumkung.com --- p.38 ; Chapter Chapter 5 --- Methodology ; Research Design and Sampling --- p.44 ; Survey Sample Profile --- p.45 ; Content Analysis --- p.46 ; Textual Analysis --- p.47 ; Measurements of variables --- p.48 ; Analytical Procedures --- p.50 ; Chapter Chapter 6 --- Results and Interpretations ; Gratifications of Yumkung.com from Survey --- p.52 ; Gratifications of Yumkung. com from Content Analysis --- p.54 ; Collective Identity from textual Analysis --- p.60 ; Correlational ...

現有的媒體-抗爭互動機制研究,其結論多是主流媒體傾向非法化、瑣碎化社會運動。但針對威權語境中的媒體-抗爭互動現象,這一論點不再適用。本研究通過2009年廣州番禺反建垃圾焚燒廠事件,探究地方媒體與草根環境運動在與政府協商公共議題時,形成何種互動機制。本文以公共性概念為理論起點,以參與式公共性與可視性公共性這兩種模式作為分析工具,來理解媒體與運動的實踐及其互動。 ; 本研究使用多種方法考察事件發展過程,同時試圖建構出媒體-運動的互動機制。主要研究材料包括媒體文本、新聞從業者與抗爭居民的口頭和書面陳述。本文用內容分析方法考察媒體如何再現抗爭居民與當地政府的話語鬥爭,以及新聞框架如何發展演變。研究者與20位新聞從業者與抗爭居民進行深度訪談,以瞭解其行動的目的、策略與束縛,並探索雙方如何理解與評價自身、對方與社會語境。 ; 本文的主要貢獻,是通過考察威權語境中的媒體-運動的互動實踐現象來豐富原有的公共性概念。研究發現雙方形成了深度互動、平等、共存的關係。首先,媒體的報道使與抗爭相關的公共論述得以生成、發展、充實。多角度的媒體報道涵蓋了環保與民主參與等話題,由此挑戰了官方對抗爭的打壓式論述。其次,在運動的架構過程中,抗爭居民創造出媒介互動策略,具體表現為抗爭者認識到傳統媒體記者所受的束縛,並與其合作突破這種束縛。他們同時也使用新媒體平台直接動員公眾展開集體行動。最後,新聞從業者發展出抗爭新聞劇目的生產機制,使得抗爭事件停留於報端,令抗爭者成為公共論述的參與者。新聞從業者在追求職業認同與獨立時還借用抗爭的概念,將其用作由下至上新聞改革的資源。 ; 以上發現表明,媒體與社會運動作為社會行動者,其互動機制中體現出一種具有建構性與矛盾性的公共性。通過這一媒介化的抗爭事件,雙方發展出針對官方論述的話語抗爭,使得原本屬於越軌範疇的抗爭話語得以進入可公開爭議的合法範疇,由此得以重新界定公開話語空間中的意識形態邊界。 ; Existing studies of media-movement interaction have argued that mainstream media tends to illegitimize and trivialize social movements. However, when applied to the newly emerged media-movement interactions in the context of an authoritarian regime, such argument becomes untenable. This study takes an anti-incinerator event taken place in Panyu, Guangzhou in 2009 as its foci of investigation. It examines how local media and the grassroots environmental movement cooperatively negotiated public issues with the government. The concept of publicity and two models of publicity (participatory publicity and visibility publicity) will be introduced. These two models will be used as analytical tools to understand the practice of and the interaction between the media and the movement. ; Methodologically, this study adopts multiple methods to trace the process of the event and model the media-movement interaction mechanism. This research constructs the case by analyzing the media texts, together with both oral and written accounts of the journalists and the activists. Content analysis is employed to measure how the media represent the discursive struggles between local residents and local government, as well as how the media ...

本研究聚焦2009年到2013年,中國廣州的一場圍繞垃圾處理展開的社會運動。運動最初是當地居民動員起來反對市政府垃圾焚燒項目的鄰避抗爭。勝利後,運動領袖成立了一個環保組織,和政府從對抗走向合作,力圖推动焚燒技術以外的替代性垃圾治理方案。不過,儘管政府和環保者致力於解決垃圾,垃圾問題在消費社會中始終無法消除。本研究試圖理解後社會主義中國的綠色治理和環保行動之間的對抗與合作。 ; 首先,我分析當代中國高速城市化和消費社會急速發展所帶來的垃圾危機。然后,我檢視圍繞垃圾焚燒技術的主要爭議,並描繪廣州居民是如何針對政府計劃中的垃圾焚燒項目做出抗爭的。我指出,他們結合地方性知識和科學話語,將自己建構為"常民專家",對全球性的焚燒科技的"地方適用性"作出成功挑战。接下來,我提供一個民族誌,追溯抗議成功后運動的歷史軌跡。我注意到,通過成立一個環保組織"EC",反焚運動走向合法化、組織化和制度化,抗爭被體制吸納,轉變為參與協助國家環境治理的運動。最後,我描繪EC與广州政府聯手推動的垃圾分類運動。指出,國家在此運動中的尷尬身份、以利潤為導向的回收市場影響、理想化的垃圾分類知識與普通民眾的知識存在斷裂,都使得推動垃圾分類異常艱難。 ; 通過展示運動變遷與國家治理轉型相互交織的辯證关系,本研究挑戰了國家與社會的二元對立,指出在國家在治理轉型過程中不斷收編反抗的行動和話語,而於此同時反焚者又在不斷生產新的另類知識做出挑戰。此外,本研究還貢獻於對廢棄物的理解,將廢棄物視為是一個動態的範疇,國家、市場、科學技術、普通消費者、環保行動者等多個行動者共同生產、競爭、建構其意義。還有,本研究對於科技知識的普遍性的探討,對科學技術研究領域做出了貢獻。 ; This is a study on social movements that focused on waste treatment in Guangzhou, China from 2009-2013. The campaign began as a NIMBY (Not-In-My-Backyard) movement that mobilized community residents to protest against municipal government's proposed incineration projects. After its success, the movement leaders changed their dissident role to form an environmental protection NGO, collaborating with the state to explore alternative waste treatment solutions other than incineration. However, despite of the politicians and activists' attempt to eliminate waste, waste continues to exist in tandem of our consumption spree. I endeavor to understand the contradiction as well as collusion between green governance and environmental activisms in post-socialist China. ; Firstly, I analyze the garbage crisis caused by the rapid urbanization and the dramatic growth of consumer society in contemporary China. Then I examine a few major technological controversies of waste incineration and depict how the activists protest against the pro-incineration government. I argue that through deploying local knowledge, the activists, as "lay experts", successfully challenged the "local appropriateness" of the global technology of incineration. Next, I provide an in-depth ethnography of the transformation of this campaign after its ...

到2013年,香港教育專業人員協會(教協會)創會已過了四十年,成為香港最大的教師工會,在香港教育界扮演著重要的角色。本研究將重點放在回歸十年(1997-2007年)這段期間。在這期間香港教育經歷很大的變化,有人稱之為翻天覆地的改變。隨著教育統籌局局長李國章及常任秘書長羅范椒芬在2007年離任,教育改革似乎又走向另一個階段。本研究以教師語文基準為研究焦點。雖然教師語文政策自1982年《國際顧問團報告書》提出後,1992年的教育統籌委員會的五號報告書建議成立「語文能力工作小組」,而小組於1994年提出的《語文能力工作小組報告書》中已提及教師的語文基準,但至教改開始時仍在討論醞釀階段,語文教師基準檢測是回歸以來特區政府的首項重要教育政策,也是教師工會自1973年文憑教師爭薪酬事件以後的另一次大規模抗爭行動。 ; 本研究嘗試用定質方法分析這種現象﹐旨在了解教協會作為一個教師工會,如何參與教育改革。本研究視教育改革為一個福柯式的規訓制度,焦點在於教協在建立這規訓制度過程中的參與,以教師語文基準為例,通過深度訪談(in-depth interview)和文獻查檢,分析官員、學者、教師、學生、家長等的言論、政府的政策文件以及對教協會的評論及回應等。傳媒的報道、外界的批評,未必與事實相符,因此,本研究的其中一個步驟是查閱教協會的內部文件,並訪問主要處理該政策的教協會理事,理解教協會提出政策建議背後的理念,以及它對官員的回應以及對政策的影響,最後透過本人當年作為教協會義工和後期作為理事的親身經歷加以印證,分析教協會在教師語文政策論述中的角色,理解國家與工會的互動如何建構規訓式的教育改革的政策。 ; By 2013, the Hong Kong Professional Teachers' Union (PTU), the biggest teachers' union in Hong Kong, has been founded for over four decades and plays an important role in the education sector. This research focuses on the ten years after the handover of Hong Kong (1997-2007), which is a period of great change (some call it radical change) in the history of education in Hong Kong. After the Secretary of Education and Manpower Arthur Li Kwok-cheung and the Permanent Secretary Fanny Law Fan Chiu-fun stepped down in 2007, the Education Reform seems to have entered another stage. Within the decade of Education Reform, all changes are of great research significance. This thesis attempts to explore the Teachers' Language Benchmarks Policy, amidst other reform policies. Although the teachers' language policy was put on the agenda as early as the Llewellyn Report in 1982, and, although teachers' language benchmark was mentioned in the " Report of the Working Group on Language Proficiency " in 1994, formed after the Education Commission Report No.5's recommendation in 1992, it was still in an embryonic stage when the Education Reforms started. This policy was the first important educational policy launched by the SAR Government since the handover, and it also instigated one of the teachers' union major mass protest actions, after the ...

对于转型期中国的劳动争议,为何国家一边推动以法律规则为本位的劳动监管体系,另一边又不断恢复各种软化法律规则约束力的调解机制?为何从中央到地方再到各部门官僚都偏好于以调解的方式来处置劳动争议?而且,为什么90年代以来大规模的建章立制没有提升准司法的裁决率和司法的判决率,反而使得劳动争议的调解率长期居高不下?国家是如何维持强大的调解能力的?劳资双方又为何愿意接受国家的调解?最后,国家对调解的偏好又会对工人维权行动带来什么样的影响?对于上述问题,本文提出一种"司法化与"政治化并行的双向运动的解释框架。虽然转型期的中国国家在司法机构建设、法律制定、等方面显示出一定的"司法化特征,但是与此同时国家也不断将司法体系"政治化,不仅干预和限制司法权力的行使,也在实际执行过程中软化法律规则的约束力。这种双向运动既根源于革命根据地时期和计划经济时期的制度遗产,也因转型期威权政体内部利益分化而不断强化。这两者也给劳资双方塑造了特殊的政治机会结构,既默许资方规避司法诉讼来压制工人维权,也促使工人高度依赖于国家调解来获得有限的经济赔偿。结果,"调解优先成为劳动争议处置的支配性策略,调解机制逐渐替代了劳动监察、行政裁决和司法判决等直接诉诸国家强制性权力的处置方式。这也是长期以来中国劳动争议调解率居高不下的主要原因。这种双向运动分别在宏观层面和微观层面带来了不同的后果。在宏观层面,"调解优先的策略发挥了分化工人的功能,使得制度化维权渠道中的劳动争议日益个体化和原子化。在微观层面,工人们"准司法化的维权观与国家"去司法化的维稳观之间产生了激烈的张力,形成了"挤出效应,迫使越来越多的维权工人退出法庭并走向街头,采取直接的、对抗性的、激进的、乃至暴力化的抗争行动。 ; An expansion of mediation in China's labor disputes resolution has gathered significant momentum since the middle of the 2000s. This tendency stems from the state's long-term dependency on politicized mediatory measure to contain labor's disruptive impulses. And the fragmentation of interests inside the authoritarian regime further marginalizes laws and judicial institutions in resolving grievance. These two factors have together shaped a political opportunity structure as "mediate first for both the labor and capital, and consequently, given a great impetus to the Grand Mediation campaign. By mobilizing grass-roots and non-judicial mediatory agencies to proactively intervene in labor conflict, the Grand Mediation has reinforced the state's capacity in managing contentious issues without resorting to either heavy handed repression or adversarial litigation. However, regarding the contradiction of the politicized mediation with workers' judicialized preference, the state's over-reliance on mediation may impel workers to alienate from institutionalized channel and subsequently deteriorates China's industrial relation. It is further argued that the prevailing of Grand Mediation may trigger off disruptive and violent labor protests in the long run. All in all, the tendency of "mediate first reveals a ...