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International audience ; The geographical and political diversity of the colour-coded revolutions in the post-Soviet sphere, the Arab revolutions or the "Indignados" (the indignant ones) movement and their different destinies should not conceal what they all share: the actors call for another way of producing politics and policies with the invention of forms of action which challenge hierarchies and structures and are not based on a clear alternative ideology. It is not only a question of confronting democracy and authoritarianism, but of re-inventing democracy. In this sense, it can be considered that these movements all belong to the same historical rupture and are set in a new paradigm. ; Révolutions de couleur dans l'espace postsoviétique, révolutions arabes, mouvements des indignés, la diversité géographique et politique de ces mouvements, et leurs destins différents, ne doit pas masquer ce qu'ils ont en commun : leurs acteurs en appellent à une autre manière de fabriquer le et la politique, avec l'invention de formes d'action qui mettent en cause hiérarchies et appareils et ne se fondent pas sur une idéologie alternative claire. Il ne s'agit pas seulement d'opposer la démocratie à l'autoritarisme, mais de réinventer la démocratie. En ce sens, on peut considérer que ces mouvements relèvent d'une même rupture historique et s'inscrivent dans un nouveau paradigme.

International audience ; The geographical and political diversity of the colour-coded revolutions in the post-Soviet sphere, the Arab revolutions or the "Indignados" (the indignant ones) movement and their different destinies should not conceal what they all share: the actors call for another way of producing politics and policies with the invention of forms of action which challenge hierarchies and structures and are not based on a clear alternative ideology. It is not only a question of confronting democracy and authoritarianism, but of re-inventing democracy. In this sense, it can be considered that these movements all belong to the same historical rupture and are set in a new paradigm. ; Révolutions de couleur dans l'espace postsoviétique, révolutions arabes, mouvements des indignés, la diversité géographique et politique de ces mouvements, et leurs destins différents, ne doit pas masquer ce qu'ils ont en commun : leurs acteurs en appellent à une autre manière de fabriquer le et la politique, avec l'invention de formes d'action qui mettent en cause hiérarchies et appareils et ne se fondent pas sur une idéologie alternative claire. Il ne s'agit pas seulement d'opposer la démocratie à l'autoritarisme, mais de réinventer la démocratie. En ce sens, on peut considérer que ces mouvements relèvent d'une même rupture historique et s'inscrivent dans un nouveau paradigme.

National audience ; After the first international internet connections became available in China in 1994, the Chinese became the most numerous Internet-users in the world and they began to enjoy a considerable variety of online services. Despite censorship, the Internet has offered them a unique repertoire of tools of protest. It is not only political dissidents who have found a way of making their ideas spread, but all Chinese citizens who possess a tool to share their concerns and indignation. In fact, there is an entire culture favorable to criticism, to irony, and to challenging the government, which has developed among Chinese youth ; Depuis les premières connexions Internet internationales en Chine en 1994, les Chinois sont les internautes les plus nombreux du monde et ils profitent d'une variété considérable de services en ligne. En dépit de la censure, Internet leur a offert un répertoire de protestation unique. Non seulement les dissidents y ont trouvé un moyen de faire circuler leurs idées, mais l'ensemble des citoyens disposent d'un outil pour partager leurs indignations. Toute une culture populaire propice à la critique, à l'ironie et à la contestation se développe au sein de la jeunesse chinoise.

National audience ; After the first international internet connections became available in China in 1994, the Chinese became the most numerous Internet-users in the world and they began to enjoy a considerable variety of online services. Despite censorship, the Internet has offered them a unique repertoire of tools of protest. It is not only political dissidents who have found a way of making their ideas spread, but all Chinese citizens who possess a tool to share their concerns and indignation. In fact, there is an entire culture favorable to criticism, to irony, and to challenging the government, which has developed among Chinese youth ; Depuis les premières connexions Internet internationales en Chine en 1994, les Chinois sont les internautes les plus nombreux du monde et ils profitent d'une variété considérable de services en ligne. En dépit de la censure, Internet leur a offert un répertoire de protestation unique. Non seulement les dissidents y ont trouvé un moyen de faire circuler leurs idées, mais l'ensemble des citoyens disposent d'un outil pour partager leurs indignations. Toute une culture populaire propice à la critique, à l'ironie et à la contestation se développe au sein de la jeunesse chinoise.

. In general, succession periods, as a test for the legitimacy of authoritarian regimes, are delicate phases to be managed by the governors. Some perform better than others in the Maghreb, like others. At the turn of the 2000s, half a century after independence, succession analysts in Morocco, Jordan and Syria observed that the monarchies had consolidated their respective dynasty, while Bashar Al-Assad's choice to succeed his father in Syria confirmed the dynastic drift that worked on the 'republican' regimes in the region (Leveau and Hammoudi; (2002) a decade later, the wave of challenges to the 'Arab Spring' recalls that the temporal variable, understood as the duration of regimes identified at their autocrate (42 years for Colonel Gaddafi in Libya, 34 years for Ali Abdullah Saleh in Northern Yemen and then in the reunited Yemen, 31 years for Mubarak in Egypt, 23 years for Ben Ali in Tunisia) is an element in assessing the fragility of the legitimacy of these republican powers. This does not mean that the monarchies of North Africa and the Middle East would escape. as by enchantment, multisectoral mobilisations, that is to say protest movements contributing to the 'opening up of confrontation spaces' (Dobry, 1986) and, consequently, likely to take over their leaders. However, their hereditary character appears to be a way of devolving 'normal' power, previously organised in accordance with procedures and a protocol provided for by the fundamental 'nation' pact. The texts presented in this issue question the factors which make the emergence of large-scale collective action possible in Algeria, in particular and in the Maghreb, in general. Contributors are interested in both the institutional crisis following the Hirak and the imaginations conveyed by slogans and protesters' demands. Their reflections lead to questions about the ambivalent relationship between the Maghreb people and the state, perceived both as a coercive device used by a ruling coalition cut off from society and as a distributor of resources ...

International audience ; The various contributions presented in this dossier shed light, in their own way, on different aspects of the reality of the protest movements in Algeria and Morocco. They challenge the social sciences as regards their capacity to produce interpretative schemes for mobilizations. They also constitute a call for the multiplication and deepening of research on Algeria. The comprehensive models of social action presented in this issue (framework theory, relative frustrations, structural approach) do not pretend to reveal the enigma of the moment and the places of the emergence of mobilizations or a fortiori scenarios predicting the political future of Algeria. However, the interpretations of the social movements exposed here have the merit of describing the dynamics of the disputes. They open the way to more systematic work aimed at thinking about social movements in the Maghreb in their micro, meso and macro dimensions ; Les diverses contributions présentées dans ce dossier éclairent, à leur manière, des pans différents de la réalité des mouvements de protestation en Algérie et au Maroc. Elles interpellent les sciences sociales quant à leur capacité à produire des schèmes interprétatifs des mobilisations. Elles constituent également un appel à la multiplication et à l'approfondissement des recherches sur l'Algérie Les modèles compréhensifs de l'action sociale présentés dans ce numéro (théorie des cadres, frustrations relatives, approche structurale) n'ont pas la prétention de dévoiler l'énigme du moment et des lieux du surgissement des mobilisations ou a fortiori des scénarios prédisant l'avenir politique de l'Algérie. Toutefois, les interprétations des mouvements sociaux exposés ici ont le mérite de décrire les dynamiques des contestations. Elles ouvrent la voie à des travaux plus systématiques ayant vocation à penser les mouvements sociaux au Maghreb dans leurs dimensions micro, méso et macro.

International audience ; The various contributions presented in this dossier shed light, in their own way, on different aspects of the reality of the protest movements in Algeria and Morocco. They challenge the social sciences as regards their capacity to produce interpretative schemes for mobilizations. They also constitute a call for the multiplication and deepening of research on Algeria. The comprehensive models of social action presented in this issue (framework theory, relative frustrations, structural approach) do not pretend to reveal the enigma of the moment and the places of the emergence of mobilizations or a fortiori scenarios predicting the political future of Algeria. However, the interpretations of the social movements exposed here have the merit of describing the dynamics of the disputes. They open the way to more systematic work aimed at thinking about social movements in the Maghreb in their micro, meso and macro dimensions ; Les diverses contributions présentées dans ce dossier éclairent, à leur manière, des pans différents de la réalité des mouvements de protestation en Algérie et au Maroc. Elles interpellent les sciences sociales quant à leur capacité à produire des schèmes interprétatifs des mobilisations. Elles constituent également un appel à la multiplication et à l'approfondissement des recherches sur l'Algérie Les modèles compréhensifs de l'action sociale présentés dans ce numéro (théorie des cadres, frustrations relatives, approche structurale) n'ont pas la prétention de dévoiler l'énigme du moment et des lieux du surgissement des mobilisations ou a fortiori des scénarios prédisant l'avenir politique de l'Algérie. Toutefois, les interprétations des mouvements sociaux exposés ici ont le mérite de décrire les dynamiques des contestations. Elles ouvrent la voie à des travaux plus systématiques ayant vocation à penser les mouvements sociaux au Maghreb dans leurs dimensions micro, méso et macro.

International audience ; The various contributions presented in this dossier shed light, in their own way, on different aspects of the reality of the protest movements in Algeria and Morocco. They challenge the social sciences as regards their capacity to produce interpretative schemes for mobilizations. They also constitute a call for the multiplication and deepening of research on Algeria. The comprehensive models of social action presented in this issue (framework theory, relative frustrations, structural approach) do not pretend to reveal the enigma of the moment and the places of the emergence of mobilizations or a fortiori scenarios predicting the political future of Algeria. However, the interpretations of the social movements exposed here have the merit of describing the dynamics of the disputes. They open the way to more systematic work aimed at thinking about social movements in the Maghreb in their micro, meso and macro dimensions ; Les diverses contributions présentées dans ce dossier éclairent, à leur manière, des pans différents de la réalité des mouvements de protestation en Algérie et au Maroc. Elles interpellent les sciences sociales quant à leur capacité à produire des schèmes interprétatifs des mobilisations. Elles constituent également un appel à la multiplication et à l'approfondissement des recherches sur l'Algérie Les modèles compréhensifs de l'action sociale présentés dans ce numéro (théorie des cadres, frustrations relatives, approche structurale) n'ont pas la prétention de dévoiler l'énigme du moment et des lieux du surgissement des mobilisations ou a fortiori des scénarios prédisant l'avenir politique de l'Algérie. Toutefois, les interprétations des mouvements sociaux exposés ici ont le mérite de décrire les dynamiques des contestations. Elles ouvrent la voie à des travaux plus systématiques ayant vocation à penser les mouvements sociaux au Maghreb dans leurs dimensions micro, méso et macro.

This work is a study of contemporary protest song in the USA through the songs and social and political activism of Bruce Springsteen. It contends that Springsteen has been able to reexamine American protest songs and frame a new genre under the umbrella of rock music by adapting his music to the social and political context of contemporary America. The thesis that I defend shows that the reason behind the commercial success of Springsteen can be explained by the fact that he has adopted several artistic strategies which have brought him an audience composed of dedicated fans who admire him. I argue that Springsteen adopts four main strategies: firstly, singing about ordinary people and reporting their daily hardships; secondly, composing somber songs that deal with the despair of blue collars and marginalized Americans; thirdly, adopting mimesis (imitation) which has a cathartic effect on Springsteen's audience; and finally, getting involved in social and political activism. The thesis contends that Springsteen is among the top selling rock singers in the USA and several other countries thanks to these four strategies. Springsteen has reinvented protest song as a genre and has become a reference in a world where everything is co-opted including the very act of rebellion. I, therefore, suggest a new term, reflective songs, to describe the songs of Bruce Springsteen when they reflect on the condition of the socially excluded instead of protesting pointlessly. Springsteen's reflective song is undoubtedly the most relevant artistic medium to shed light on the most deprived people of contemporary America. Perhaps, the reflective song of Bruce Springsteen will not change the world, but at least it gives people a reason to hope for a better future. ; Ce travail constitue une réflexion sur la chanson contestataire contemporaine aux États-Unis à travers les chansons et l'engagement politique et social de Bruce Springsteen. Nous défendons la thèse que Springsteen renouvelle le genre de la protest song en s'adaptant à ...

This work is a study of contemporary protest song in the USA through the songs and social and political activism of Bruce Springsteen. It contends that Springsteen has been able to reexamine American protest songs and frame a new genre under the umbrella of rock music by adapting his music to the social and political context of contemporary America. The thesis that I defend shows that the reason behind the commercial success of Springsteen can be explained by the fact that he has adopted several artistic strategies which have brought him an audience composed of dedicated fans who admire him. I argue that Springsteen adopts four main strategies: firstly, singing about ordinary people and reporting their daily hardships; secondly, composing somber songs that deal with the despair of blue collars and marginalized Americans; thirdly, adopting mimesis (imitation) which has a cathartic effect on Springsteen's audience; and finally, getting involved in social and political activism. The thesis contends that Springsteen is among the top selling rock singers in the USA and several other countries thanks to these four strategies. Springsteen has reinvented protest song as a genre and has become a reference in a world where everything is co-opted including the very act of rebellion. I, therefore, suggest a new term, reflective songs, to describe the songs of Bruce Springsteen when they reflect on the condition of the socially excluded instead of protesting pointlessly. Springsteen's reflective song is undoubtedly the most relevant artistic medium to shed light on the most deprived people of contemporary America. Perhaps, the reflective song of Bruce Springsteen will not change the world, but at least it gives people a reason to hope for a better future. ; Ce travail constitue une réflexion sur la chanson contestataire contemporaine aux États-Unis à travers les chansons et l'engagement politique et social de Bruce Springsteen. Nous défendons la thèse que Springsteen renouvelle le genre de la protest song en s'adaptant à ...

This work is a study of contemporary protest song in the USA through the songs and social and political activism of Bruce Springsteen. It contends that Springsteen has been able to reexamine American protest songs and frame a new genre under the umbrella of rock music by adapting his music to the social and political context of contemporary America. The thesis that I defend shows that the reason behind the commercial success of Springsteen can be explained by the fact that he has adopted several artistic strategies which have brought him an audience composed of dedicated fans who admire him. I argue that Springsteen adopts four main strategies: firstly, singing about ordinary people and reporting their daily hardships; secondly, composing somber songs that deal with the despair of blue collars and marginalized Americans; thirdly, adopting mimesis (imitation) which has a cathartic effect on Springsteen's audience; and finally, getting involved in social and political activism. The thesis contends that Springsteen is among the top selling rock singers in the USA and several other countries thanks to these four strategies. Springsteen has reinvented protest song as a genre and has become a reference in a world where everything is co-opted including the very act of rebellion. I, therefore, suggest a new term, reflective songs, to describe the songs of Bruce Springsteen when they reflect on the condition of the socially excluded instead of protesting pointlessly. Springsteen's reflective song is undoubtedly the most relevant artistic medium to shed light on the most deprived people of contemporary America. Perhaps, the reflective song of Bruce Springsteen will not change the world, but at least it gives people a reason to hope for a better future. ; Ce travail constitue une réflexion sur la chanson contestataire contemporaine aux États-Unis à travers les chansons et l'engagement politique et social de Bruce Springsteen. Nous défendons la thèse que Springsteen renouvelle le genre de la protest song en s'adaptant à ...

International audience ; The paper focuses on the various processes of occupation of places, endeavoring to etch them again into the ideological historicity of oppositional modes of action, into the variability of meanings assigned to them by individuals and citizen groups - heterogeneous themselves - who commit themselves, and primarily into the materiality of the practices engaged therein. Checked against the reviewing of the actors' social routes, the ethnographic attention brought to the gestures carried out within the recreated daily life of occupied places allows revealing the importance of the mechanisms of downward social mobility, margin experience or exposure to violence while comprehending the processes of engaging into an occupation act, particularly for actors who have had no past as activists. Allowing the reconversion of an intimate experience of suffering and injustice into a militating resource, commitment into a rhythm of occupational action, both radical and familiar, provides a place for collective recognition paving the way towards a citizenship experienced as an accomplishment, as it is indexed to effective political action. ; L'article s'intéresse aux occupations de lieux, qu'il s'efforce de réinscrire dans l'historicité idéologique des modes d'action contestataires, dans la variabilité des significations que leur attribuent les individus et les collectifs – eux-mêmes hétérogènes – qui s'y engagent, et surtout dans la matérialité des pratiques qui s'y déploient. Croisée à l'examen des trajectoires sociales des acteurs, l'attention ethnographique portée aux gestes accomplis dans le quotidien réinventé des lieux occupés permet de mettre à nu l'importance des mécanismes de déclassement social, d'expérience de la marge ou d'exposition à la violence dans la compréhension des processus d'entrée en occupation, particulièrement pour les acteurs sans passé militant. En permettant la reconversion d'une expérience intime de la souffrance et de l'injustice en ressource militante, l'engagement dans un régime d'action occupationnel, à la fois radical et familier, offre un espace de reconnaissance collective où s'explorent les voies d'une citoyenneté vécue comme accomplie, car indexée à un agir politique en actes.

International audience ; The paper focuses on the various processes of occupation of places, endeavoring to etch them again into the ideological historicity of oppositional modes of action, into the variability of meanings assigned to them by individuals and citizen groups - heterogeneous themselves - who commit themselves, and primarily into the materiality of the practices engaged therein. Checked against the reviewing of the actors' social routes, the ethnographic attention brought to the gestures carried out within the recreated daily life of occupied places allows revealing the importance of the mechanisms of downward social mobility, margin experience or exposure to violence while comprehending the processes of engaging into an occupation act, particularly for actors who have had no past as activists. Allowing the reconversion of an intimate experience of suffering and injustice into a militating resource, commitment into a rhythm of occupational action, both radical and familiar, provides a place for collective recognition paving the way towards a citizenship experienced as an accomplishment, as it is indexed to effective political action. ; L'article s'intéresse aux occupations de lieux, qu'il s'efforce de réinscrire dans l'historicité idéologique des modes d'action contestataires, dans la variabilité des significations que leur attribuent les individus et les collectifs – eux-mêmes hétérogènes – qui s'y engagent, et surtout dans la matérialité des pratiques qui s'y déploient. Croisée à l'examen des trajectoires sociales des acteurs, l'attention ethnographique portée aux gestes accomplis dans le quotidien réinventé des lieux occupés permet de mettre à nu l'importance des mécanismes de déclassement social, d'expérience de la marge ou d'exposition à la violence dans la compréhension des processus d'entrée en occupation, particulièrement pour les acteurs sans passé militant. En permettant la reconversion d'une expérience intime de la souffrance et de l'injustice en ressource militante, l'engagement dans un ...

Cette étude s'attache à analyser les graffitis plurilingues présents en Palestine, plus particulièrement dans le camp de réfugiés de Dheisheh. Conçus comme des ressources sémiotiques, ces écrits scripturaux, politiques et politisés, témoignent de la présence accrue d'acteurs internationaux et de luttes provenant « d'ailleurs ». Il s'agira alors de montrer que si le plurilinguisme rend le paysage linguistique palestinien varié, il met au jour un transnationalisme protestataire dépassant les revendications locales. ; This study presents an analysis of the multilingual graffiti found in Palestine, specifically in the Dheisheh Refugee Camp. Conceived of as semiotic resources, these scriptural, political and politicized writings bear witness to the intensifying presence of international actors and of conflicts that come from "somewhere else." It shows that, while multilingualism adds variety to the Palestinian linguistic landscape, it also highlights the transnational character of protest, which goes beyond local demands.

This article echoes the now recurrent calls for a "widening" of the conceptualisation of social movements. Departing from the definitions laid down, the author assumes that certain elements of the contested activity can be understood by studying its actors in the context of ordinary and daily social relations, far from any relationship with political power. It relies on a survey conducted since 2009 in various South African urban areas, in contact with social activists working in organisations that manage social discontent. More specifically, the aim is to address these groups through the links they cultivate with their most immediate social environment, that of popular neighbourhoods. ; International audience This article echoes the now recurring calls to broaden the conceptualization of social movements. Moving away from classic definitions, the author suggests that certain elements of protest activity can be better understood through an examination of its actors in their most ordinary and daily social relations as opposed to the exceptional moments when they face political power. This study is based on a series of inquiries conducted since 2009 in various South African urban areas with active militants affiliated with organizations shaping the agenda on social discontent. More specifically, this article draws attention to how these collectives develop ties with their most immediate social environment, that is in impoverished, working-class neighborhoods. ; This article echoes the now recurrent calls for a "widening" of the conceptualisation of social movements. Departing from the definitions laid down, the author assumes that certain elements of the contested activity can be understood by studying its actors in the context of ordinary and daily social relations, far from any relationship with political power. It relies on a survey conducted since 2009 in various South African urban areas, in contact with social activists working in organisations that manage social discontent. More specifically, the aim is to ...