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In the 1960s, Yugoslavia faced rising unemployment, inflation, & an increasing national debt; while many suffered personal hardships, the elite class enjoyed a luxurious lifestyle. Influenced by these social & economic problems as well as by news of student movements all over the world, students in Yugoslavia occupied their universities for seven days on 2-9 June 1968. Among their demands were: (1) democratization of social & political life in Yugoslavia; (2) establishment of socialist solidarity; (3) removal of the political elite; & (4) democratization of the university. This was the first open political mass protest in postwar society. Repressive policies against student leaders, student organizations, & supportive professors followed. However, many of those involved in the 1968 protest later found success in other fields & continued to fight for the democratization of Yugoslav society. M. Malas

'Privatisierung ist ein wesentlicher Eckpfeiler im von westlichen Geldgebern und Gläubigern formulierten System von Struktur-Anpassungsprogramm und guter Regierungsführung. Diese Fallstudie aus Kamerun zeigt deutlich, dass Privatisierungsprojekte häufig nicht in der Lage waren, bei Reformen im öffentlichen Sektor Transparenz und Verantwortlichkeit zu fördern oder größere Partizipation der Zivilgesellschaft in den Entscheidungsprozessen zu erreichen. Häufig haben Privatisierungspläne dagegen zu vehementen Protesten auf Seiten ethno-regionaler Organisationen geführt, insbesondere dann, wenn diese sich beim Verkauf bedeutender regionaler öffentlicher Unternehmen an gutsituierte inländische Firmen oder an Unternehmen in ausländischem Besitz ausgeschlossen fühlten.' (Autorenreferat)

Describes the use of protest event analysis (PEA) for systematically mapping, analyzing, & interpreting contentious political & social movements, riots, revolutions, etc. Developed by political scientists & historical sociologists, PEA uses content analysis of sources such as police records & newspaper reports, often linked to other types of data, to investigate the causes, progression, & outcomes of social protests. One of PEA's most valuable attributes is its ability to observe protest activities across wide geographical areas & spans of time. Basic methodological issues such as finding data sources, selecting the unit of analysis, specifying variables, coding, sampling, & testing data selectivity/robustness are discussed, along with some potential problems, eg, crossnational comparability. Two illustrative examples of large PEA projects being conducted in Berlin, Federal Republic of Germany, are provided. 2 Figures, 70 References. K. Hyatt Stewart

Describes the use of protest event analysis (PEA) for systematically mapping, analyzing, & interpreting contentious political & social movements, riots, revolutions, etc. Developed by political scientists & historical sociologists, PEA uses content analysis of sources such as police records & newspaper reports, often linked to other types of data, to investigate the causes, progression, & outcomes of social protests. One of PEA's most valuable attributes is its ability to observe protest activities across wide geographical areas & spans of time. Basic methodological issues such as finding data sources, selecting the unit of analysis, specifying variables, coding, sampling, & testing data selectivity/robustness are discussed, along with some potential problems, eg, crossnational comparability. Two illustrative examples of large PEA projects being conducted in Berlin, Federal Republic of Germany, are provided. 2 Figures, 70 References. K. Hyatt Stewart

Argues that media discourse influences the collective action frames of social movements & protest in three ways: (1) the narrative form of media discourse tends to orient claims of injustice to specific actors; (2) media discourse amplifies a few select types of collective action that are inherently dramatic, but in general, renders invisible most forms of citizen political participation; & (3) media discourse privileges an adversiarial rather than consensual sense of identity. This argument is illustrated via review of earlier work & the secondary literature. The task of collective action frames is described as tying collective understandings to personal experience, suggesting that social movement organizers who want to use the media ought to demonstrate how their collective frames are relevant to the lives of individuals & create situations in which individuals can gain experiential knowledge of injustices. It is asserted that this strategy will draw out the latent sense of agency within people rather than approach them as passive objects to be manipulated. D. M. Smith

Protest, now ubiquitous in advanced industrialized societies, has become a useful window for examining all sorts of broader political phenomena. Using event data from newspaper reports, we trace protest by Vietnamese Americans over the past 26 years as a means to assess political incorporation. By looking at the issues, tactics, and development of protest within the Vietnamese American community, we get a sense of the development and incorporation of that community. We find that protest, particularly in the form of demonstrations, is a common form of making claims among Vietnamese-Americans, and that the issues expressed are primarily about foreign policy, directed toward the old homeland, rather than domestic political concerns. It is not clear whether mobilization on homeland issues provides a foundation for subsequent political mobilization on domestic issues, or whether it serves as a distraction from it.

Concludes a collection of essays on environmental protest in Europe, 1988-1997, providing a comparative analysis of the eight countries examined separately in the contributions with the overarching intention of gauging the impact of institutionalization. The number of reported protest incidents, the key issues (nature conservation, animal rights, energy, pollution, & transport), & the shifting forms of protest (conventional, demonstrative, confrontational, & violent), & the scale of such events are discussed, indicating cross-national differences & similarities. The disruptive nature of environmental protest is addressed, finding German protest to be the most disruptive & British protest to be the least violent. Explanations for the patterns of protest repertoires are proffered. In terms of actors, two kinds predominated: formal environmental movement organizations & entities comprising local campaigns, informal groups, & ad hoc coalitions. The idea of a cohesive movement as manifest in the existence of networks is next considered, addressing two key difficulties in discerning such organization: (1) Most EMO interaction does not occur in the public sphere. (2) Many EMOs avoid publicly linking themselves to protest events & find it tactically advantageous to form ad hoc campaign groups in some cases. The issues of localism & transnationalization are then contemplated, along with the national political context in which all forms of environmentalism reside. It is concluded that the institutionalization of environmentalism that occurred over the decade has not resulted in a clear decline in protest & may, in fact, lead to new waves of activism. 1 Table, 4 Figures. J. Zendejas

Concludes a collection of essays on environmental protest in Europe, 1988-1997, providing a comparative analysis of the eight countries examined separately in the contributions with the overarching intention of gauging the impact of institutionalization. The number of reported protest incidents, the key issues (nature conservation, animal rights, energy, pollution, & transport), & the shifting forms of protest (conventional, demonstrative, confrontational, & violent), & the scale of such events are discussed, indicating cross-national differences & similarities. The disruptive nature of environmental protest is addressed, finding German protest to be the most disruptive & British protest to be the least violent. Explanations for the patterns of protest repertoires are proffered. In terms of actors, two kinds predominated: formal environmental movement organizations & entities comprising local campaigns, informal groups, & ad hoc coalitions. The idea of a cohesive movement as manifest in the existence of networks is next considered, addressing two key difficulties in discerning such organization: (1) Most EMO interaction does not occur in the public sphere. (2) Many EMOs avoid publicly linking themselves to protest events & find it tactically advantageous to form ad hoc campaign groups in some cases. The issues of localism & transnationalization are then contemplated, along with the national political context in which all forms of environmentalism reside. It is concluded that the institutionalization of environmentalism that occurred over the decade has not resulted in a clear decline in protest & may, in fact, lead to new waves of activism. 1 Table, 4 Figures. J. Zendejas