Suchergebnisse

Gospodarske i društvene krize prilika su za protestne stranke da dignu svoj glas i da se izbore za nove pozicije na političkoj sceni. Mnogi analitičari smatraju da su stranke radikalne desnice dobile zamah upravo na protestima građana protiv globalizacije, ekonomske deprivacije i utjecaja gospodarske krize. Pomnijim proučavanjem radikalizacije politike vidi se da pojednostavljivanje te teze nema naročito čvrsto uporište. U nedostatku jasnih metodologija politolozi i drugi društveni znanstvenici pokušavaju uobličiti teorije zasnovane na empirijskim istraživanjima. Jedan je od čestih teorijskih okvira odnos populističkih stranaka prema socioekonomskom stanju u zemlji. Prema toj tezi, u vremenu globalne krize postotak glasača za radikalne političke opcije raste, većinom iz protesta, a ne antisustavnosti. Ovo izlaganje prati i stanje u Srednjoj Europi, odnosno rezultate ovogodišnjih izbora u Mađarskoj, Latviji i Slovačkoj kao zemljama sa snažnom radikalnom desnicom. Na primjerima tih zemalja nastoji se utvrditi može li se socioekonomska teorija aplicirati ili se radi o većim izazovima liberalnoj demokraciji s krajnjeg desnog pola. ; Economic and social crises provide an opportunity for protest parties to raise their voices and to win new positions in the political arena. Many analysts deem that the parties of the radical Right gained momentum exactly with the protests by citizens against globalisation, economic deprivation and the impact of the economic crisis. A more detailed study of the radicalisation of politics reveals that the simplification of this thesis does not have a particularly strong justification. In the absence of clear methodologies, political scientists and other social scientists seek to formulate theories based on empirical research. One of the frequent theoretical frameworks is the attitude of populist parties toward the socio-economic situation in the country. According to this thesis, in the period of a global crisis, the percentage of voters of radical political options increases, mostly out of protest, and not as an anti-systemic phenomenon. This paper also examines the situation in Central Europe, as well as the outcomes of this year's elections in Hungary, Latvia and Slovakia as countries with a strong radical Right. By analysing the cases of these countries, the author seeks to establish whether the socio-economic theory can be applied, or whether these countries are facing greater challenges to liberal democracy posed by the far-right pole.

Polazeći od dvodimenzionanog razumijevanja povjerenja u političke institucije, u radu provjeravamo prediktivnost povjerenja u vladu i predstavničke institucije i povjerenja u provedbene institucije za objašnjenje glasanja te prosvjednog sudjelovanja, kao i moguću posredujuću ulogu zadovoljstva funkcioniranjem političkog sustava. Rad se temelji na hrvatskim podatcima petog vala Europskog istraživanja vrednota – EIV (European Values Study – EVS, 2017). Pojedinačne povezanosti dvaju oblika povjerenja i dvaju tipova sudjelovanja pokazuju da je izraženije povjerenje u vladu i predstavničke institucije povezano s češćim glasanjem te manjom sklonošću prosvjednom sudjelovanju, dok je povjerenje u provedbene institucije povezano samo s manjom sklonošću prosvjednom sudjelovanju. Ujedno, oba su oblika političkog povjerenja snažno međusobno povezana te praćena većim zadovoljstvom funkcioniranjem političkog sustava, a koje je u slaboj pozitivnoj vezi s glasanjem te u negativnoj sa sklonošću prosvjedima. Multivarijatnom analizom potvrđen je samo samostalan pozitivni doprinos povjerenja u vladu i predstavničke institucije za pojašnjenje glasanja. Rezultate raspravljamo u kontekstu visoke povezanosti dvaju oblika političkog povjerenja u hrvatskim uvjetima te dosadašnjih nalaza o odrednicama glasanja i prosvjednog sudjelovanja kao dvaju oblika političkog sudjelovanja. ; Starting from a two-dimensional understanding of trust in political institutions, the paper examines trust in the government and representative institutions and trust in executive institutions as predictors of voting and protest participation, as well as the possible mediating role of satisfaction with the functioning of the political system. The paper is based on the Croatian data from the fifth wave of the European Values Study (EVS, 2017). Individual associations between the two forms of trust and the two types of participation indicate that greater trust in government and representative institutions is associated with more frequent voting and a lower propensity for protest participation. In contrast, trust in executive institutions is only associated with a lower propensity for protest participation. At the same time, both forms of political trust are strongly interconnected and accompanied with greater satisfaction with the functioning of the political system, which is weakly positively associated with voting and negatively associated with the propensity for protest participation. The multivariate analysis confirmed only the trust in government and representative institutions as a unique positive predictor of voting. The results are discussed in view of the high association between the two forms of political trust in the Croatian context, and the findings to date regarding the determinants of voting and protest participation as two forms of political participation.

Nove stranke, koje su se pojavile nakon pokreta 15-M te kao odgovor na mjere štednje u Španjolskoj, žele se razvijati kao stranke otvorene za sudjelovanje i deliberaciju svih građana. U kojoj se mjeri ostvaruju ti ideali? Cilj je ovog članka opisati i vrednovati procese online deliberacije dviju najvažnijih stranaka u Španjolskoj, Podemos i Barcelona En Comú, na temelju uobičajenih kriterija u literaturi kojima se mjeri online deliberacija. Konkretno, analizirali smo dva prijedloga o kojima se najviše glasovalo na online platformi Plaza Podemos te online razvoj izbornog programa stranke Barcelona En Comú. Provedena je analiza sadržaja 713 objava s online platforme Plaza Podemos i 563 objave koje se tiču izbornog programa stranke Barcelona En Comú. Obje platforme posjeduju strukturne i tehničke kriterije za poticanje deliberacije, ali je vanjski utjecaj vidljiv samo u slučaju stranke Barcelona En Comú. Kvaliteta deliberativne komunikacije je dobra, ali kriteriji refleksivnosti, inkluzije i pluralnosti nisu zadovoljeni. ; The new parties that emerged following the 15-M movement and against the austerity measures in Spain want to build parties open to the participation and deliberation for all the citizenry. To what extent are these ideals being fulfilled? The aim of this article is to describe and assess some of the main online deliberative processes of the two most important parties, Podemos and Barcelona En Comú, following commonly accepted criteria in the literature for measuring online deliberation. Specifically, we have examined the two most-voted proposals from the online platform Plaza Podemos and the online development of the electoral programme of Barcelona En Comú. Thus, we have conducted a content analysis of 713 (Plaza Podemos) and 563 (Barcelona En Comú) posts. Both platforms meet the structural and technical criteria for fostering deliberation, but the external impact is high only in the case of Barcelona En Comú. The deliberative quality of the communication is good but not the criteria of reflexivity, inclusion and plurality.

Starting from a two-dimensional understanding of trust in institutions, we examine the predictability of trust in political institutions and trust in non-political national institutions in explain voting and protest forms of citizen participation in politics, as well as the possible mediating role of satisfaction with the functioning of the political system. The paper is based on the Croatian data of the fifth wave of the European Values Study (EVS, 2018). Individual associations between the two forms of trust and the two types of participation indicate that greater confidence in political institutions is associated with more frequent electoral participation and a lower propensity for protest participation. In contrast, trust in non-political institutions is only associated with less propensity for protest participation. At the same time, both forms of political trust are strongly interconnected and accompanied by greater satisfaction with the functioning of the political system, which is weakly positively associated with voting and negatively associated with a tendency to protest. The multivariate analysis confirmed only the independent positive contribution of trust in political institutions to voting. We discuss the results in the context of the high association between the two forms of political trust in Croatian context, and the findings to date regarding the determinants of voting and protest participation as two forms of citizen participation in politics. ; Polazeći od dvodimenzionanog razumijevanja povjerenja u institucije, u radu provjeravamo prediktivnost povjerenja u političke institucije i povjerenja u nepolitičke nacionalne institucije za objašnjenje glasanja te protestnih oblika sudjelovanja građana u politici, kao i moguću posredujuću ulogu zadovoljstva funkcioniranjem političkog sustava. Rad se temelji na hrvatskim podacima petog vala Europske studije vrednota - ESV (European Values Study - EVS, 2018). Pojedinačne povezanosti dvaju oblika povjerenja i dvaju tipova sudjelovanja ukazuju da je izraženije povjerenje u političke institucije povezano s češćom izbornom participacijom, a manjom sklonošću prosvjednog sudjelovanja, dok je povjerenje u nepolitičke institucije povezano samo s manjom sklonošću prosvjednom sudjelovanju. Ujedno, oba su oblika političkog povjerenja snažno međusobno povezana, te praćena većim zadovoljstvom funkcioniranjem političkog sustava, a koje je u slaboj pozitivnoj vezi s glasanjem, te u negativnoj sa sklonošću prosvjedima. Multivarijatnom analizom potvrđen je samo samostalan pozitivni doprinos povjerenja u političke institucije za pojašnjenje glasanja. Rezultate raspravljamo u kontekstu visoke povezanosti dvaju oblika političkog povjerenja u hrvatskim uvjetima, te dosadašnjih nalaza o odrednicama glasanja i protestnog sudjelovanja kao dvaju oblika sudjelovanja građana u politici.

U ovom se članku istražuje kako birači i političari putem društvenih medija komuniciraju o važnim temama u situacijama koje mobiliziraju veći broj ljudi, kao što su izbori i prosvjedi. U radu se analizira slučaj predsjedničkih izbora u Rumunjskoj 2014. godine, kada su birači imali aktivnu ulogu u promoviranju tema koje kandidati u početku nisu spominjali u svojim kampanjama. Dvije su teme proizišle kao osobito važne iz perspektive birača: sustavna korupcija i optužbe da vlada namjerno ometa proces glasovanja u zajednicama rumunjske dijaspore. Automatska i ručna analiza sadržaja korisničkih komentara i materijala iz kampanje u društvenim medijima otkriva, iako je teško precizno dokazati kauzalnu povezanost, da su zahtjevi birača koji se tiču spomenutih tema imali aktivnu ulogu u promjeni strategija kampanja kandidata. ; This article examines how voters and politicians interact through social media to communicate salient issues in highly mobilising contexts, such as elections and protests. It analyses the case of Romania's 2014 presidential elections, where voters played an active role in promoting themes that candidates had not initially addressed in their campaigns. Two topics emerged as particularly important from the voters' perspective: systemic corruption and accusations of the government deliberately hindering the voting process in Romanian diaspora communities. A mixed approach of automated and manual content analysis of user comments and campaign materials on social media reveals that, while it is difficult to make precise causal claims, voter demands with regards to these topics had an active role in influencing changes in candidates' campaign strategies.

Ovaj rad ispituje odnos između građanskih prosvjeda i društvenih medija iz perspektive istraživačkog programa kolektivnog djelovanja. Dok literatura ukazuje na snažne empirijske dokaze o pozitivnom odnosu između upotrebe društvenih medija i pojave građanskih prosvjeda, teorijsko je podupiranje ovog odnosa osporavano i često neodređeno. Nastojeći pružiti snažniju teorijsku osnovu za taj odnos, ovaj rad istražuje teorije kolektivnog djelovanja fokusirajući se na društvene medije i njihovu ulogu u rješavanju problema kolektivnog djelovanja onih koji se suprotstavljaju službenoj politici. Rad promišlja kako upotreba teorije kolektivnog djelovanja za razumijevanje društvenih medija i prosvjeda može poslužiti boljem razumijevanju pozitivnog odnosa između društvenih medija i pojave građanskih prosvjeda. ; This article examines the relationship between social protest and social media from the theoretical perspective of the Collective Action Research Program. While the literature shows strong empirical evidence for a positive relationship between social media use and incidents of social protest, the theoretical underpinnings of this relationship remain contested and often unspecified. In order to provide a stronger theoretical basis for this relationship this paper explores theories of collective action, focusing on how social media can assist in solving the dissident collective action problem. It argues that using collective action theory to understand social media and protest can better inform our understanding of how and why social media shares a positive relationship with incidents of social protest.

This paper aims at examining how democratization in post-uprising Egypt remains flawed and the reasons for this failure. As a background, democratization in post-Arab Spring Egypt has collapsed and it seems now merely an illusion. The situation worsened since Egypt's democratically elected President Morsi was expelled from office through a coup, following mass protests demanding Morsi's discharge. Egypt's democratization is hard to achieve due to the shadow of the Pharaoh in Egypt, that is, entrenched ruling elites; Egypt's democratization process can never succeed while Egypt's old ruling elites are reluctant to allow this to happen. ; This paper aims at examining how democratization in post-uprising Egypt remains flawed and the reasons for this failure. As a background, democratization in post-Arab Spring Egypt has collapsed and it seems now merely an illusion. The situation worsened since Egypt's democratically elected President Morsi was expelled from office through a coup, following mass protests demanding Morsi's discharge. Egypt's democratization is hard to achieve due to the shadow of the Pharaoh in Egypt, that is, entrenched ruling elites; Egypt's democratization process can never succeed while Egypt's old ruling elites are reluctant to allow this to happen.

Ministarstvo kulture 2013. godine provodi istraživanje o stanju u medijima, a 2015. godine započinje raspravu o medijskoj politici te donosi deset dokumenata koji služe kao temelj za medijske politike u RH od 2015. do 2020. godine. Nemoguće je tvrditi da je samo ekonomska kriza uzrok krize u medijima, iako postoji sveza jer je pad broja oglasa u medijima za sobom donio i pad broja zaposlenih. Manji broj novinara u redakcijama utjecao je na pad kvalitete novinskih uradaka, a ekspanzija društvenih medija te jačanje portala na internetu, usmjerili su novinarstvo u drugom smjeru. Erozija demokratske funkcije medija termin je s kojim se danas susrećemo kada govorimo u "krizi" ili stanju u medijima. Iako je prethodno održano nekoliko tematskih prosvjeda Hrvatskoga novinarskog društva, u ožujku 2019. godine organiziran je opći prosvjed nazvan Oteli ste medije, novinarstvo ne damo. Prosvjed je imao za cilj uručiti Vladi osam zahtjeva koji se odnose na sudske tuže, pritiske politike i oglašivača, prijetnje novinarima, ugrožavanje profesionalnih standarda, nepoštivanje medijskih zakona kao te izostanak ozbiljne medijske politike. Iako rasprava o medijskoj politici završava u 2020. godine, sami novinari navode izostanak adekvatne strategije. S obzirom na završetak petogodišnjega razdoblja rasprave o medijskoj politici, u radu će se prikazati rekapitulacija protekloga razdoblja. Je li sve navedeno uzrok daljnje krize u medijima te erozije funkcije medija, autori će nastojati utvrditi u radu. Za potrebe rada provedena je anketa među novinarima dostupnim na društvenoj mreži LinkedIn. Također će se napraviti komparacija s početnim stanjem rasprave o medijskoj politici i dobivenih rezultate. Slijedom slogana prosvjeda, pokušat će se dati odgovor tko je oteo medije te kakva je ocjena novinarstva u Hrvatskoj. ; The Ministry of Culture in 2013 conducts research on the media situation, and in 2015 begins discussions on media policy and adopts ten documents that serve as the basis for media policies in the Republic of Croatia in the period 2015 to 2020. It is impossible to argue that only economic crisis is the cause of the crisis in the media, although there is a link because the decrease in the number of advertisements in the media has also led to a decrease in the number of employees. Fewer journalists in newsrooms have affected the decline in the quality of news articles, and the expansion of social media and the strengthening of online portals have directed journalism in another direction. Erosion of the democratic function of the media is a term that we come across today when we speak in a "crisis" or situation in the media. Although several thematic protests have been held by the Croatian Journalist Society, a general protest called "You kidnapped the media, we don't give journalism" was organized in March 2019. The protest was intended to deliver to the Government of eight claims relating to the largest number of lawsuits, political PR and prints and advertisers' pressures, threats against journalists, jeopardizing the professional rights and standards, failure to comply with media laws and the lack of serious media policy. Although the debate on media policy, in the framework of the start, ending in 2020. Godin e journalists themselves referred to the lack of adequate strategies. Given the end of the five-year media policy debate period, a recapitulation of the past period will be made through the paper. Is all of the above a cause of further media crisis and erosion of media function, the authors will endeavour to determine through the work. For the paper, a survey was conducted among journalists available through the LinkedIn social network. Equally, a comparison will be made with the initial state of the media policy debate and the results obtained will be compared. Following the slogan of the protest, an attempt will be made to answer who abducted the media and what is the rating of journalism in Croatia.

U svom djelu Zatvorena trgovačka država iz 1800. godine, njemački filozof Johann Gottlieb Fichte zagovara ekonomsku autarkiju kao radikalan oblik protekcionizma, dok 1840. njemačko-američki ekonomist Friedrich List izdaje »bibliju protekcionizma«, djelo Nacionalni sustav političke ekonomije u kojem se suprotstavlja učenju Adama Smitha o važnosti slobodne trgovine i međunarodne razmjene. Pitanje otvorene ili zatvorene privrede iznimno je aktualno s obzirom na to da su globalizacijski procesi rezultirali rastućim nejednakostima i drugim anomalijama te se, kao reakcija, ponovno javljaju, ako su ikad i nestale, snažne protekcionističke prakse. U radu će se pokušati odgovoriti na pitanje je li globalni kapitalizam nužno suprotstavljen ekonomskom nacionalizmu te koju poziciju u toj opreci danas zauzimaju lijeve i desne političke opcije. Naime, umjesto lijeva ili desna, sve češće može se čuti da je neka stranka sistemska ili prosvjedna, pri čemu se tzv. sistemskima predbacuje da žele zadržati status quo u provođenju neoliberalne agende, dok prosvjedne često klize u populizme i nacionalizme. ; Johann Gottlieb Fichte in his work The Closed Commercial State (1800) argued for economic autarky as the next reform of protectionism. German-American economist Friedrich List published The National System of Political Economy (1840) which is considered to be the "Bible of protectionism". List was the opponent of Adam Smith's theses on the importance of free trade and international market. The advocate in a shift from open to closed economy is actual in the globalized world, which is determined by growing inequality and other social and political anomalies. Protectionism is imposed as a possible response to the discontents of globalization. The paper attempts to answer if there is a link between global capitalism and economic nationalism, and how are left and right political parties related to that possible link. Recently, in the days of political dissatisfaction, the alternative between left and right positions is replaced by the opposition between system and anti-system or protest parties. While system parties are criticized for keeping a status quo of neoliberal agenda, protest parties slide into nationalism and populism.

U članku se razmatraju okolnosti osnutka izložbe Salon mladih ujesen 1968. te uloga te manifestacije u profiliranju društveno-političkoga identiteta mladih umjetnika u idućem razdoblju. Osvrće se na reformska nastojanja na području kulturne politike u drugoj polovini šezdesetih godina, analizira jačanje interesa za problematiku mladih u kulturi na razini Socijalističkoga saveza omladine Hrvatske. Objašnjava se materijalni i profesionalni položaj mladih umjetnika te rasvjetljavaju događaji vezani uz studentske prosvjede na Akademiji likovnih umjetnosti u Zagrebu u lipnju 1968. Nadalje se razmatraju uzroci negativne percepcije Salona u prvim godinama njegova trajanja te razlozi identitetskoga raslojavanja u redovima mladih umjetnika koje je ova izložba izazvala. Potonje se prvenstveno odnosi na suparništvo tzv. novih plastičara i likovne grupe "Atelier Biafra", o čemu se također podrobnije raspravlja. ; The article discusses the circumstances of the establishment of the Youth Salon exhibition in the autumn of 1968 and its role in profiling the socio-political identity of young artists in the following period. The starting claim is that the current knowledge about how much events related to global and local student protests directly influenced the art scene in socialist Croatia and Yugoslavia is relatively modest, that is, that the connection between a certain type of avant-garde artistic practice and particular historical context is based on general assumptions. In order to clarify these ties, the article reflects on the cultural policy that immediately preceded the rebellious year, which was marked by general reform efforts in socialist Croatia and the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in the second half of the 1960s. The social position of young artists became one of the important topics in regard to the reform efforts in the field of culture, as evidenced by the intensity of discussions at the level of the League of Socialist Youth. The text further explains the material and professional working conditions of young artists and the reasons for their dissatisfaction with the cultural and artistic system. Light is shed on events related to student protests at the Academy of Fine Arts in Zagreb in June 1968, which were an immediate occasion for the establishment of the Youth Salon exhibition. The thesis is that the Youth Salon, as a representative type of exhibition organised by the central republican art association (ULUH) and the Central Committee of the League of Socialist Youth, represented a typical parade gesture made by the state, which sought to pacify young people's dissatisfaction with the general situation in the field of art and culture. As such, the Youth Salon experienced severe criticism in the first years of its existence. It also influenced the politicisation of young artists, who began to engage in criticism of the system as a whole. The controversy over the Youth Salon was also the immediate cause of the identity divergence between the young avant-garde artists, within which two art groups were the leading opponents: the so-called 'neoplasticists', gathered around Zagreb's SC Gallery, and artists gathered in the Art Group 'Atelier biafra', who were the initiators and organisers of the Youth Salon in the first years. This antagonism would determine the balance of power on the Croatian art scene in the long run and influence the understanding of the echoes of 1968 in art and culture in general.

U ovome broju časopisa Etnološka tribina objavljujemo temat koji problematizira javne prostore. Radovi u tematu bave se simboličkim i jezičnim preoznačavanjem javnog prostora prilikom demonstracija u Istanbulu 2013. godine (Selvelli); konfliktnim vizijama modernosti kroz izgradnju i mijenu javnih prostora u srpskom gradu Jagodina (Petrović); procesima evaluacije urbanih javnih prostora u različitim dijelovima Lisabona (Gato); kognitivnim mapiranjem kretanja u američkom gradu Austinu obilježenom rasnom diferencijacijom (Norkunas); javnim prostorima i njihovim oživljavanjem kroz projekte urbanog vrtlarenja i biciklizma (Poljak Istenič); mentalnim mapiranjem i percepcijom straha u primjerima estonskoga prostora (Hiiemäe); interakcijama zagrebačkih sakupljača boca i njihovom (ne)vidljivošću u javnom prostoru (Vukušić i Stelko); te situacionističkim konceptom dérive kao oblikom suvremene urbane etnografije propitane na primjeru Delhija (Sharanya). Radovima koji se bave javnim prostorima u raznim gradovima svijeta želimo, između ostaloga, pokrenuti i raspravu o potencijalnu urbanih politika i suvremenog urbanog života prema razvijanju participatornog te društveno i okolišno održivog grada. ; The thematic section of this year's issue of Etnološka tribina focuses on public spaces. The articles deal with the spatial and linguistic reappropriation and resignification of public space during the protests in Gezi Park, Istanbul in 2013 (Selvelli); conflicting versions of modernity engendered by the construction of and changes made to public spaces in the Serbian town of Jagodina (Petrović); processes of evaluating urban public spaces in Lisbon (Gato); cognitive mapping of movement and race issues in Austin, Texas (Norkunas); public spaces and their revival through urban gardening and cycling (Poljak Istenič); mental mapping and the perception of danger in Estonian spatial examples (Hiiemäe); bottle collectors' interactions and their (in)visibility in public spaces in Zagreb (Vukušić and Stelko); the Situationist concept of dérive as a form of contemporary urban ethnography as discussed through the example of Delhi (Sharanya). The underlying intention of this thematic section is to foster an interdisciplinary discussion concerning the potentials of contemporary urban life and politics so as to develop a participatory, just, as well as socially and environmentally sustainable city.

The Net Generation, a generation which grew up with digital media, differ from older generations which entered the world of digital media and the Internet afterwards. The Internet itself opened new possibilities of communication and participation in the sphere of politics as well. Research was conducted among students at the Faculty of Teacher Education in Zagreb and Baltazar Zaprešić Polytechnic in order to establish the degree to which students, the so called "digital natives", use the Internet for the purposes of political information, communication, and participation. Over two thirds of participants, young voters, voted in the parliamentary elections in Croatia in 2015, and in order to obtain information on political matters, they prefer using the Internet, but also use television to almost the same extent. According to the research results, the majority of the participants are ready to express their political opinions over the Internet. Half of the participants in no way show readiness to engage in political life by joining a political party, and a very small percentage of them are ready to take part in protest gatherings. In the segment of political participation, members of the Net Generation do not show a statistically significant difference when compared to older students of a non-teacher education polytechnic. ; Net-generaciji, generaciji koja je odrasla s digitalnim medijima, pripisuju se značajke koje ih razlikuju od pripadnika starijih generacija koja su u svijet digitalnih medija i interneta ušle naknadno. Internet je pak otvorio nove mogućnosti komunikacije i participacije i u sferi politike. Među studentima Učiteljskog fakulteta u Zagrebu i Veleučilišta Baltazar Zaprešić provedeno je istraživanje s ciljem utvrđivanja u kojoj se mjeri studenti, tzv. "digitalni urođenici", koriste internetom s ciljem političke informiranosti, političke komunikacije i participacije. Nešto više od dvije trećine ispitanika, mladih birača, glasovalo je na parlamentarnim izborima u Hrvatskoj 2015. godine. Oni preferiraju internet kako bi se informirali o političkim zbivanjima, ali u gotovo istoj mjeri preferiraju i televiziju. Prema rezultatima istraživanja, ispitanici su u najvećem broju spremni iskazati svoje političko mišljenje putem interneta, polovina ispitanika nikako ne pokazuje spremnost da se angažiraju kao članovi političke stranke, a u vrlo malom postotku spremni su sudjelovati u protestnim okupljanjima. Pripadnici net-generacije u segmentu političke participacije ne pokazuju statistički značajnu razliku u usporedbi sa studentima neučiteljskog fakulteta starije životne dobi.

Koncept ljudske sigurnosti prvi put je istaknut u izvješću UNDP-a (United Nations Development Programme: Razvojni program Ujedinjenih naroda) 1994. i bazira se na slobodi od oskudice (freedom from want) i slobodi od straha (freedom from fear). Na Svjetskom samitu o hrani (World Food Summit) 1996. sigurnost hrane je definirana na način koji naglašava dostupnost hrane, pristup hrani te korištenje i stabilnost kao ključne dimenzije sigurnosti hrane. Iako najčešće nije jedini uzrok sukoba, nesigurnost hrane predstavlja sigurnosnu prijetnju jer služi kao pokretač nasilnog djelovanja. Glad i nesigurnost hrane povećavaju vjerojatnost da će doći do prosvjeda i nereda što potiče nesigurnost među stanovništvom i ostavlja dugotrajne posljedice na cjelokupan razvoj zajednice. S druge strane, sukobi uzrokuju degradaciju okoliša, raspad ekonomije i prisilno raseljavanje stanovništva što u konačnici uzrokuje glad i, naposljetku, bolest i smrt. U posljednjem desetljeću mnoge zemlje ulažu napore u provođenje zakona i strategija usmjerenih na rješavanje problema gladi. Nastoji se potaknuti i društvene skupine da aktivno sudjeluju kako bi uz pomoć međunarodne zajednice unaprijedili sigurnost hrane i osigurali pozitivne transformacije. ; The concept of human security was first highlighted in the UNDP report of 1994 and is based on two freedoms; freedom from want and freedom from fear. The widely accepted World Food Summit definition from 1996 emphasizes the importance of food availability, food access, food use and stability of food as key dimensions of food security. Although usually not the only cause of conflict, food insecurity represents a security threat since it serves as an initiator of violent actions. The presence of hunger and food insecurity increase the probability of protests and riots, which further causes insecurity among the population and leaves long-term consequences to the overall development of the community. On the other hand, conflicts cause the degradation of environment, economic disruption, forced displacement of the population which, in the end, causes hunger and ultimately disease and death. In the last decade, many countries have invested their efforts in law enforcement and strategies aimed at solving the problem of hunger. Countries also seek to activate social groups for participating actively in cooperation with international communities in order to enhance food security and ensure positive transformation.

Venezuela je od svog osamostaljenja gospodarstvo temeljila na proizvodnji i izvozu jednog proizvoda. U 19. stoljeću to su bili kava i kakaovac koje je u 20. stoljeću zamijenila nafta. Navedeno je dovelo do nizozemske bolesti koja je gušila ostale gospodarske grane, pa su često korumpirane vlasti kupovale socijalni mir socijalističkim politikama i državnom potrošnjom. 1980-ih došlo je do prvog značajnijeg pada cijene nafte u 20. stoljeću te je Venezuela morala provesti liberalne reforme kako bi dobila pomoć Međunarodnog monetarnog fonda. Uslijedio je veliki pad standarda i BDP-a te masovni prosvjedi. Na valu tog nezadovoljstva na izborima 1998. godine pobjeđuje bivši vojni časnik i neuspjeli pučist Hugo Chavez kojemu oporavak cijene nafte omogućuje pokretanje socijalističkih reformi i gospodarski oporavak zemlje. Eksproprijacije vlasništva privatnih poduzeća i uvođenje cjenovnih ograničenja oslabili su domaće gospodarstvo i uzrokovali inflaciju, dok je rast državne potrošnje opteretio javne financije. Veliki pad cijene nafte 2014. uzrokovao je kolaps venezuelanskog gospodarstva kao i socijalnu i političku krizu. Prilikom izrade rada korišteni su službeni podatci venezuelanske vlade, ministarstava i instituta, te podaci Ujedinjenih Naroda, Svjetske Banke i ostalih organizacija kao i informacije iz venezuelanskih i inozemnih tiskovina i novinskih portala. ; Ever since its independence, Venezuela has based its economy on the manufacturing and export of a single product. In the 19th century, those products were cocoa and coffee beans, which were replaced by oil in the 20th century. This led to the Dutch disease which harmed other sectors of the economy, so the often corrupt governments bought social peace with socialist policies and government spending. During the 1980s, the first significant plunge in oil prices in the 20th century forced the Venezuelan government to conduct liberal reforms in order to receive assistance from the International Monetary Fund. These led to a significant decline in the standard of living and GDP, as well as, mass protests. Due to the popular discontent, the 1998 presidential elections were won by Hugo Chavez, a former military officer and the leader of the failed coup, who used the rebound in oil prices to start socialist reforms and economic recovery. Expropriations of privately owned assets and price controls weakened the domestic economy and led to inflation, while the rise in government spending strained the public finances. The big drop in oil price in 2014 caused the collapse of Venezuelan economy as well as social and political crisis. The data used in making this paper is from the Venezuelan government and its departments and institutes, as well as from the United Nations, the World Bank, other organisations and Venezuelan and foreign newspapers and web portals.

Mijenjaju li se stavovi građana o demokraciji u uvjetima povećane institucionalne nestabilnosti i promjena u stranačkom sustavu u Hrvatskoj u posljednjih nekoliko godina? Nastojeći odgovoriti na to pitanje, autori polaze od koncepta političke potpore demokraciji kakav je izvorno zamislio David Easton, a nadogradili su ga i operacionalizirali Russel Dalton i Pippa Norris. U članku se analiziraju odnos difuzne i specifične potpore demokraciji u Hrvatskoj od 1999. do 2018. i utjecaj na ponašanje birača u oblicima glasovanja za etablirane stranke (lojalnost), nove i marginalne stranke (glas) te apstinencije (izlazak). Analiza obuhvaća sedam vremenskih točaka anketnih istraživanja izbora od 1999. do 2018. i nadovezuje se na druga istraživanja potpore demokraciji u Hrvatskoj. Rezultati potvrđuju da se s vremenom produbio jaz između normativne potpore i zadovoljstva funkcioniranjem demokracije, što se ogleda u povećanju broja kritičkih demokrata i nezadovoljnih autokrata. Premda su obje skupine još razmjerno ravnomjerno raspoređene među etabliranima i novim strankama, ima naznaka da nezadovoljni autokrati sve češće biraju "glas" umjesto "izlaska". Pritom, ukupna slika unutarnje strukture potpore demokraciji nakon 2015. sve više nalikuje na stanje prije velikih institucionalnih promjena 2000, što pridaje posebnu dimenziju političkim promjenama 2015. i 2016. i otvara pitanje o utjecaju uspjeha novih političkih aktera na potporu demokraciji u Hrvatskoj. ; Have the attitudes of citizens on democracy changed under increased institutional instability and party system changes in Croatia in recent years? In an attempt to answer that question, the authors start with the concept of support for democracy as originally conceived by David Easton, and later further elaborated on by Russel Dalton and Pippa Norris. This article provides an analysis of the relationship between diffuse and specific support for democracy in Croatia between 1999 and 2018 and its impact on voting behaviour including casting a ballot for the established parties (loyalty), for the new and protest parties (vote) or abstention (exit). The analysis involves seven time points in electoral survey research between 1999 and 2018 in Croatia and is complementary to other research on support for democracy in the country. The results confirm that the gap between normative support and the satisfaction with how democracy works increases over time, which is also evident from the increase in the number of critical (dissatisfied) democrats, but also of dissatisfied autocrats. Although both groups are still rather evenly represented among the established and the new political parties, there are indications that the dissatisfied autocrats will more often than not opt for the vote rather than the exit. At the same time, the overall picture of the post-2015 internal structure of democratic support increasingly resembles the pre-2000 era, when major institutional changes took place, giving an added dimension to the political changes of 2015 and 2016 and sparking the question of the future impact that new political actors will have on the support for democracy.