Suchergebnisse

Članak razmatra uspon, oblike i posledice protesta u nedemokratskim režimima, oslanjajući se na noviju literaturu iz uporedne analize političkih režima i društvenih pokreta. Oblik režima značajno oblikuje izglede za izbijanje protesta, kao i njegove oblike i posledice. Protesti često proizvode bitne promene u personalnom sastavu i politici vlasti, koje značajno utiču na strukturu i delovanje nedemokratskih režima, i ponekad vode promeni režima. Primeri su navedeni iz kasnog komunističkog autoritarizma u Poljskoj i Jugoslaviji, u kojima su dugotrajni protesti doprineli padu režima i države, i postkomunistički autoritarni režimi u Srbiji i Ukrajini koji su više puta uzdrmani a zatim i dokrajčeni "pritiskom odozdo". ; The paper explores the politics of protest in non-democratic regimes using insights from comparative regime analysis and social movement theory. A regime type strongly shapes factors that trigger popular mobilization, the repertories of collective action and their implications. Protest politics may produce a considerable political change, such as policy and personality change in the political establishment, as well as important shifts in the structure and operation of non-democratic regimes, even regime change. The paper provides evidence from the late communist authoritarian Poland and Yugoslavia, in which sustained protests contributed to the collapse of regime and state, and the post-communist competitive authoritarian Serbia and Ukraine, which experience repeated protest waves and were brought down by protest politics.

By reporting on some conflicts but not on others, and by representing conflicts they report on in particular ways, the media strongly influence the dynamics and outcomes of democratisation conflicts, and thus also shape the prospects of success of conflict parties. This paper explores the literature on media and conflict by focusing on the ways in which media frame inter-state and civil wars, institutionalised conflicts and social movements in western democracies, and conflicts in nondemocratic and democratising states. Much of the literature discusses the ways in which western media frame foreign conflicts and domestic election campaigns and policy debates, while there is considerably less focus on domestic conflicts in nonwestern settings, such as those that arise during and after transitions from nondemocratic rule. There are only limited attempts to draw parallels between the media coverage of disparate conflicts. In contrast, this study builds upon research findings in these related areas to draw lessons for empirical research of media framing of the contentious dimension of contemporary democratisation. This study concludes that the political context is the main factor that shapes the media framing of various forms of political conflict. Several dimensions of the political context matter in this respect, such as regime type, international (foreign) or domestic perspective, elite consensus or conflict, policy consensus or uncertainty, policy area, more or less institutionalised nature of the political conflict at stake, and the stage of democratisation. Also, the literature suggests that media framing strongly influences political outcomes and thus fosters or undermines democratic institutions in new democracies. .

In the middle of district head's euphoria to float and move forward province of Bangka Belitung's island by brought in the palm oil investors conduce the new conflict of society, i.e agrarian conflicts. The presence of palm oil investors in the middle that in the beginning has been designed to give a profit for society, especially the societies around the oil palm plantation, but precisely harm the soci- ety a lot. For local society, indigenous forest is symbol of nature conservation and the place of animal Seizure and claims over land often happens between the palm oil investors with local society. One of them is the conflict between Air Abik society with PT. Gunung Pelawan Lestari. The main factor of this conflict is there a logging, indigenous forest clearance, destruction of 11 ancestral graves belong to society conducted by PT. Gunung Pelawan Lestari in their efforts to oil palm expansions. This thing then triggered public protest action. survival. Whereas, ancestral grave is symbol of local wisdom and cultural heritage that must be preserved and maintained. Besides, if we see the conflict between both sides, it can be analyzed with contentious politics theory. The use of contentious politics theory because this conflict involves the collective interaction between the claimant, i.e PT. Gunung Pelawan Lestari and claim object, i.e customary land and the land where the 11 ancestral graves stand. In contentious politics theory, there is also depletion of resources. This depletion of resources in the end will influencing people to get involved in the political tensions, like the high level of public complaints, legacy of previous protest, political opportunity structure, and the mechanism relation to help society resistance. ; In the middle of district head's euphoria to float and move forward province of Bangka Belitung's island by brought in the palm oil investors conduce the new conflict of society, i.e agrarian conflicts. The presence of palm oil investors in the middle that in the beginning has been designed to give a profit for society, especially the societies around the oil palm plantation, but precisely harm the soci- ety a lot. For local society, indigenous forest is symbol of nature conservation and the place of animal Seizure and claims over land often happens between the palm oil investors with local society. One of them is the conflict between Air Abik society with PT. Gunung Pelawan Lestari. The main factor of this conflict is there a logging, indigenous forest clearance, destruction of 11 ancestral graves belong to society conducted by PT. Gunung Pelawan Lestari in their efforts to oil palm expansions. This thing then triggered public protest action. survival. Whereas, ancestral grave is symbol of local wisdom and cultural heritage that must be preserved and maintained. Besides, if we see the conflict between both sides, it can be analyzed with contentious politics theory. The use of contentious politics theory because this conflict involves the collective interaction between the claimant, i.e PT. Gunung Pelawan Lestari and claim object, i.e customary land and the land where the 11 ancestral graves stand. In contentious politics theory, there is also depletion of resources. This depletion of resources in the end will influencing people to get involved in the political tensions, like the high level of public complaints, legacy of previous protest, political opportunity structure, and the mechanism relation to help society resistance.

This work analyses the relation between democracy and political participation, the typology and model of political participation, the findings of the research of political participation in the world (S. Verba, N. H. Nie, 1972; S. H. Barnes, M. Kaase, 1 979; and others), and the research of the same phenomenon on a sample of Croatian students. This analysis has shown that today all the elements necessary for a more comprehensive theory of political participation are in place. This theory would enable a more systematic and standardized investigation of this phenomenon in the national and the international context. The article also shows how the non- conventional participation is gaining ground while the conventional is gradually levelling out. Significant are the results of the analysis of the etiology of political participation, particularly the relation between the standard SES model and the model of value orientations (left-right materialism, materialism-postrnaterialism, etc.). The analysis of the model of participation of Croatian students has shown that the model of protest behaviour/potential' has a more complex etiology than other models, such as conventional participation and voting in parliamentary elections. Thus, for the "protest potential" it is necessary to possess a developed civic competence, a critical attitude towards the government's performance, a liberal arts education, etc., while for the conventional participation it is central to have a higher level of political interest. Significant differences between the Croatian students and those from other European countries can be observed regarding the role of value orientations in explaining political participation. (SOI : PM: S. 140)

This paper analyses the important of regional investment agreements for promoting international trade in ASEAN countries. To visualize the above idea, this work will explain the roles of regional investment agreements to serve investment, trade facilitation and to protect regional investment interests. It is argued that regional investment agreements can serve as a vehicle for dialogue, coordination on and to response regional issues including regulatory harmonization, infrastructure development, and collaboration among members to facilitate investment. The paper shows how regional agreements will commit to eliminate barriers on substantially trade and investment, create positive welfare gains, the productivity and stimulus to growth in the region. This paper also analyses the effect of the establishment of an ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) by 2015 to the regional investment policies. AEC aiming at transforming ASEAN into a single market and production base with a highly competitive economic region, equitable economic development, free movement of goods, services, investment, skilled labor, and freer flow of capital, will likely accelerate regional integration and cooperation in the investment sectors fully integrated into the international trade. Then, this work demonstrates the implementation of regional investment cooperation into the formal instruments/agreements of investment policy architecture promoting and protecting cross border investment among nationals of ASEAN member states, such as ASEAN Investment Guarantee Agreement (IGA), the ASEAN Investment Area (AIA) and ASEAN Comprehensive Investment Agreement (ACIA). However, it is realized that the ASEAN members may resist and protest against the regional investment agreements because of conflicting their national interest. The paper proposed that the regional inv stment agreements need to be strengthened by harmonization and structural adjustment due to the member's resistance and protest. This idea may spark challenge because each member has fundamental differences on the nature and character of legal and economic systems reflecting different political systems, economic and social cultures in accordance with the philosophy of life values and national interests of each country. To overcome the challenge, this paper argues that ASEAN member countries need to unilaterally and collectively come up with structuring trade and investment policy harmonization to move ahead and reap the benefits from regional investment agreement as a common tool for contesting their interest in international trade. In addition, pre agreed flexibilities to accommodate the interests of all ASEAN countries may eliminate the problem.

At the time of the earthquake affecting substantial losses due to the damage they cause, usually very high expectations of the people to the government for rehabilitation and reconstruction (rehabilitation and reconstruction) of homes affected. Therefore readiness to undertake the rehabilitation of earthquake remains an important concern by the parties in the response to natural disasters, both government and society. This study is a qualitative study to describe the experience of the parties in order to direct the rehabilitation of houses affected by the earthquake of 2007 in Tanah Datar, West Sumatra province. The results of this study found the application of the principles of transparency, participation and accountability in the interrelation between the government and society in the process of preparation and implementation of the rehabilitation of earthquake-affected neighborhoods. Open governance practices have proven quite successful even minimize complaints and public protests or other social conflict that impacts are not uncommon in post-disaster management in the region. Experiences of good practice organizing the rehabilitation of houses affected by the earthquake in Tanah Datar this would even be used as a pilot, and learning resources of many parties in implementing the governance of disaster management in the various regions

From the very beginning the steps towards unification of European countries have been founded on the personal incentives of politicians, but not on broad democratic agreement of the people. That method has never been abandoned: even the huge administrative apparatus in Brussels that makes important decisions without any democratic control could be seen as natural consequence of such praxis. It is just because of such political behaviour where important political documents and decisions are made out of the eyes of the public, which the great political incentives, such as referendum on the European Constitution, have failed. If we ask ourselves where it has gone wrong the possible answer is that EU has been made according the needs of the rich and mighty countries. The states that are located on the periphery of EU have no political influence on the main decisions, and cannot decide about their own economic development. They are simply forced to adapt ourselves to the interests of the most advanced. But the protests all over EU show that the general economic concept of the EU is wrong and that it will generate crises in the long run.

The paper analyses the class basis of the civil society in Serbia in the period of post-socialist transformation. The analysis is based on data from several empirical studies implemented by the Institute for Sociological Research of the Faculty of Philosophy in Belgrade over the past twenty years, specifically in 1997, 2007 and 2012. The main objective of the analysis is to determine whether there is rootedness of civil society activities among the middle class. The basic hypothesis of the paper is that members of the middle class are the key actors of civil society in the entire period observed. Results of the analysis show that the members of the middle class have been holders of civil protests during the period of blocked transformation - almost the only phenomenal manifestation of the civil society in Serbia in the 1990s. On the other hand, research findings from 2007 and 2012 indicated a significant decline of civic activism among all social groups, and the decline was most marked precisely among the middle class. Although members of the middle class, compared with other social groups, were still more willing to engage in civic activities, data show that the differences between social classes were not especially marked, and therefore we can talk only conditionally about rootedness of civil society activities among the middle class.

Corruption, Collusion and Nepotism (KKN) are social diseases that have long infected the nation and state of Indonesia. This paper conveys the social movement theory in the effort to create a government free from KKN through strengthening the role of masyarakat madani (civil society). The Jenkins and Klandermans' diagram of the relationship of social movements with the state and the political system illustrates the problem of a three-way relationship between social movements, political representation and the state. The issue is the extent to which opportunities represented by political representatives in social movements, the impact of social protests on political parties and official political processes, as well as the implications of these relations in modern democracies. In this case, the social movement's chances through the 1998 reforms have been able to undermine the authoritarian New Order regime, a good start for the creation of democracy in Indonesia. However, it turns out that KKN disease that has been rooted to create systemic corruption (institutional entry) creates its own difficulties in eradication. Civil society as an alternative to social forces should be encouraged to play a role in solving the chaotic reform of the Indonesian bureaucracy. The role of civil society through NGOs, intellectuals, students, workers or labours, mass organizations, religious leaders, social media, press and other elements of society are expected to make the government more assertive in enforcing the law and crack down on KKN actors according to MPR XI / 1998, Anti-Corruption Law, as well as other supporting regulations that have been created. Law enforcement agencies, including POLRI, KPK, Judicial Commission are expected to play a role. This is of course with the participation of civil society as a control force that offsets the strength of government in upholding truth and justice. Keywords: civil society, social movements, KKN (Corruption, Collusion, and Nepotism), clean government.