Suchergebnisse

Den "Geijerska professuren" / av Torgny Nevéus -- Nationen så in i Norden / av Lars M. Andersson, Urban Claesson, Henrik Edgren & Bo G. Hall -- Bofinken och seminariet : inte bara en lek med ord / av Lars Petterson -- Komparativ metod för det tjugoförsta ärhundrandet / Leos Müller -- Den jubilerande nationen : nationellt och transnationellt i nordisk jubileumskultur / av Torbjörn Eng -- En bild säger mer än tusen ord : den politiska skämtteckningen som källa / av Bo G. Hall -- Nationens historiska karaktär : nationell identitetsformering, klass och föreställda skillnader i revolutionens tidsålder / av Anne Berg -- De obehörigas politik : Sörmländska protester i samband med förstärkningsmanskapet 1811 / av Linda Oja -- "Tvänne af ålder och af naturen till en varaktig förening ämnade folkslag" : G. A. Silverstolpe och Skandinaviens historia / av Johan Sjöberg -- Läraren och sällskapsmänniskan : Erik Gustaf Geijer som social kulturbärare / av Thomas Neidenmark --

The formation of a green party in Sweden, "Miljopartiet De Grona", in 1981, can be explained as a result of the established party system's failure to handle a change of zeitgeist in an ecological direction, & most of all the political trauma arising from the focal point of Swedish environmental protest, the popular referendum on Nuclear Power 1980. Initially, Miljopartiet De Grona originally was organized as an alternative, non-hierarchical party, without a distinct party leadership & an with an ultrademocratic ideal. The party failed to achieve the 4 percent necessary to enter parliament in the elections of 1982 & 1985, but in 1988 it finally established itself in the Swedish Riksdag. Since then, Miljopartiet has step by step changed in the direction of a more "normal" political party. In 2002 they were allowed as a semi-coalition partner of the Social Democrats & the formerly communist Left Party. Still eager to be an alternative party, Miljopartiet will, perhaps, enter a red-green government after the election in autumn 2010. If so, they have in 30 years managed to move from "alternative exclusion" to what may be labeled "included alternativism.". Adapted from the source document.

Military preparedness and war have so far been regarded as the domain of male authors in Swedish literature, especially at the time of the Second World War. But what happens if we turn our attention to the female authors of the 1940s? Kristin Järvstad's study shows how their texts as well focus to a large extent on subjects related to military preparedness and war. A variety of topics can be found in the novels by the female writers, ranging from stories about female air guards who protect the Swedish border to female pacifists who find it necessary to kill for the sake of peace. The soldier figure in these texts also takes a radical stand when he as a deserter lays down his arms to protest against the war. In addition, one of the most charged subjects of the time linked to gender is treated from a unique perspective: the women who consort with the occupying enemy are pictured without the condemning attitude that characterizes the period in general. The most urgent question, however, concerns alienation, linked to race: who is actually included in the Swedish nation? Here, the texts display a scathing critique of the narrow-minded Swedes and the anti-Semitism that flourishes at that time. By analysing female authors' depictions of the 1940s, During Military Preparedness and War deepens the previous picture of this period in Swedish literature. The writers explored in this investigation express a profound and often critical commitment to the issue of war and violence, linked to gender and alienation. The most radical literary message of the period can also be found among their novels: the demand for the dissolution of the militaristic and patriarchal nation which strives to expand its territory without regard for human life.

This study deals with the ethnopolitical mobilization among the Sami in Sweden during the first half of the 20th century. The investigation focus on why this mobilization took place, the demands the Sami made, and the strategies used to achieve these goals. Opposition towards the Swedish Sami policy was the most important reason for the political mobilization among the Sami. Both the formation of the Sami policy at the central administrative level, and the implementation of the policy at the regional and local level by the Lapp administration were criticised. During the first half of the period of investigation the Sami protests focused on policy decisions at central government level. During the later half of the period, it was the actions of the Lapp administration that triggered Sami activity. The central demands brought forward by the Sami movement concerned the position of the Sami in Swedish society. At the beginning of the period the Swedish Sami policy was based on the so called "Lapp shall remain Lapp" ideology. The Sami were looked upon as a reindeer herders by nature, who were weak and could not protect themselves against civilization, which was viewed as a threat to the cultural survival of the Sami. Therefore, they were to be protected by being segregated from the surrounding society. Only the reindeer herding Sami, however, were considered to be Sami which meant that a majority of the Sami population was not included in the Swedish Sami policy. A cultural boundary was drawn, which separated the Sami population into two large segments. Because of this, the main demands of the Sami movement were that the Sami should be granted an equal position in the Swedish society and that the Sami policy should include more aspects than just reindeer herding.Two main strategies were adopted by the Sami leaders to achieve the goals of the Sami movement. The first was to try to create a network of local Sami societies within a national Sami organization. As in Swedish society group interests were represented by a number of different organizations, Sami organizations were a precondition if the Sami were to be able to hold a dialogue with the Swedish authorities. However, during the period of investigation the Sami movement failed in its attempts to form a national Sami organization, which weakened the movement. The second strategy was directed at achieving more limited gains through goal-oriented actions, where the Sami were mobilized for shorter periods behind different demands. This second strategy was more successful during the period of investigation. However, ultimately the creation of a national Sami organization, was found to be a requirement if the Sami movement was to be able to influence the Swedish Sami policy. The formation of Svenska Samernas Riksförbund (National Union of the Swedish Sami) in 1950 was therefore an important step for the Sami movement.