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Contemporary political scientists argue that citizens of established democracies engage in the activities of political participation more actively than the ones of new democracies. However, little is known about the extent of such a difference, therefore, the paper attempts to quantify it by comparing the activeness of political participation in a new democracy – Lithuania, and in an established one – Germany. The margin of the difference presumed is determined by utilizing a descriptive statistical analysis method while comparing three forms of political participation in the analyzed countries: voting, protests, and membership in political parties. The article finishes by putting the differences in the activity of political participation in concrete numbers, and is concluded with the following statement: Germans are voting more often, however, Lithuanian citizens protest more frequently, and join political parties more actively than the German ones.

Contemporary political scientists argue that citizens of established democracies engage in the activities of political participation more actively than the ones of new democracies. However, little is known about the extent of such a difference, therefore, the paper attempts to quantify it by comparing the activeness of political participation in a new democracy – Lithuania, and in an established one – Germany. The margin of the difference presumed is determined by utilizing a descriptive statistical analysis method while comparing three forms of political participation in the analyzed countries: voting, protests, and membership in political parties. The article finishes by putting the differences in the activity of political participation in concrete numbers, and is concluded with the following statement: Germans are voting more often, however, Lithuanian citizens protest more frequently, and join political parties more actively than the German ones.

The a rticle d iscusses conceptualisation of populism, Lithuania's party system a nd electoral dynamics and their relation to the sustainability of populist parties. Special attention is given to Party Order and Justice, a former populist and protest party, and its leadership, namely to the issues related to scope and competencies of a leader's intra-partisan power, leadership selection rules and history, development of leaders' political careers and their electoral activity. Th e L ithuanian party system now exhibits moderate fragmentation without centrifugal tendencies. Voter volatility is still relatively high, yet the share of new parties has dropped to zero. Th e protest and populist parties in Lithuania went into the margins of political establishment. Popularity of the Order and Justice party has long been connected to the formerly impeached president Rolandas Paksas. His long-term leadership in the face of plummeting electoral support and an emphasis on his political martyrdom resulted in poor electoral performances, ensuing internal squabbles and his departure. Party Order and Justice's internal regulations, however, remained favourable to strong leadership.

The a rticle d iscusses conceptualisation of populism, Lithuania's party system a nd electoral dynamics and their relation to the sustainability of populist parties. Special attention is given to Party Order and Justice, a former populist and protest party, and its leadership, namely to the issues related to scope and competencies of a leader's intra-partisan power, leadership selection rules and history, development of leaders' political careers and their electoral activity. Th e L ithuanian party system now exhibits moderate fragmentation without centrifugal tendencies. Voter volatility is still relatively high, yet the share of new parties has dropped to zero. Th e protest and populist parties in Lithuania went into the margins of political establishment. Popularity of the Order and Justice party has long been connected to the formerly impeached president Rolandas Paksas. His long-term leadership in the face of plummeting electoral support and an emphasis on his political martyrdom resulted in poor electoral performances, ensuing internal squabbles and his departure. Party Order and Justice's internal regulations, however, remained favourable to strong leadership.

The a rticle d iscusses conceptualisation of populism, Lithuania's party system a nd electoral dynamics and their relation to the sustainability of populist parties. Special attention is given to Party Order and Justice, a former populist and protest party, and its leadership, namely to the issues related to scope and competencies of a leader's intra-partisan power, leadership selection rules and history, development of leaders' political careers and their electoral activity. Th e L ithuanian party system now exhibits moderate fragmentation without centrifugal tendencies. Voter volatility is still relatively high, yet the share of new parties has dropped to zero. Th e protest and populist parties in Lithuania went into the margins of political establishment. Popularity of the Order and Justice party has long been connected to the formerly impeached president Rolandas Paksas. His long-term leadership in the face of plummeting electoral support and an emphasis on his political martyrdom resulted in poor electoral performances, ensuing internal squabbles and his departure. Party Order and Justice's internal regulations, however, remained favourable to strong leadership.

The a rticle d iscusses conceptualisation of populism, Lithuania's party system a nd electoral dynamics and their relation to the sustainability of populist parties. Special attention is given to Party Order and Justice, a former populist and protest party, and its leadership, namely to the issues related to scope and competencies of a leader's intra-partisan power, leadership selection rules and history, development of leaders' political careers and their electoral activity. Th e L ithuanian party system now exhibits moderate fragmentation without centrifugal tendencies. Voter volatility is still relatively high, yet the share of new parties has dropped to zero. Th e protest and populist parties in Lithuania went into the margins of political establishment. Popularity of the Order and Justice party has long been connected to the formerly impeached president Rolandas Paksas. His long-term leadership in the face of plummeting electoral support and an emphasis on his political martyrdom resulted in poor electoral performances, ensuing internal squabbles and his departure. Party Order and Justice's internal regulations, however, remained favourable to strong leadership.

The a rticle d iscusses conceptualisation of populism, Lithuania's party system a nd electoral dynamics and their relation to the sustainability of populist parties. Special attention is given to Party Order and Justice, a former populist and protest party, and its leadership, namely to the issues related to scope and competencies of a leader's intra-partisan power, leadership selection rules and history, development of leaders' political careers and their electoral activity. Th e L ithuanian party system now exhibits moderate fragmentation without centrifugal tendencies. Voter volatility is still relatively high, yet the share of new parties has dropped to zero. Th e protest and populist parties in Lithuania went into the margins of political establishment. Popularity of the Order and Justice party has long been connected to the formerly impeached president Rolandas Paksas. His long-term leadership in the face of plummeting electoral support and an emphasis on his political martyrdom resulted in poor electoral performances, ensuing internal squabbles and his departure. Party Order and Justice's internal regulations, however, remained favourable to strong leadership.

Development of modern democracy and civic consciousness in the society of spectacle and mass manipulation are the main object of the article. Democratic self government depends both on individual, responsible solutions of citizens and on social, cultural or political propaganda. Propaganda is interpreted as a special, focused persuasion for motivation, consolidation, education purposes. Differences and similarities between social engineering, social propaganda, social marketing and social advertisement are discussed in the paper. Social marketing is interpreted as the response to social needs and the main demands of local people. On the contrary, social propaganda is more didactic, perspective and tries to motivate people for productive activities. Social marketing is more effective in a short period and social propaganda is more useful in a long perspective. Differences between reportage, daily media and propaganda are discussed in the article. Social propaganda needs participatory media. Various forms of participatory media (embedded, engaged and embodied) are analyzed. The topic of social engineering is analyzed on the basis of K. Popper's considerations. Popper differentiates between utopian or totalitarian engineering and "piecemeal social engineering". Popper's conception of utopian engineering is partly criticized. Every big social project is not only a form of elimination of mistakes; it also has utopian features and dream perspectives. The truth of democratic development couldn't be evaluated only by Popper's principle of fallibilism. More important are the alternative, competitive forms of social propaganda and open public discussions. [.]

Development of modern democracy and civic consciousness in the society of spectacle and mass manipulation are the main object of the article. Democratic self government depends both on individual, responsible solutions of citizens and on social, cultural or political propaganda. Propaganda is interpreted as a special, focused persuasion for motivation, consolidation, education purposes. Differences and similarities between social engineering, social propaganda, social marketing and social advertisement are discussed in the paper. Social marketing is interpreted as the response to social needs and the main demands of local people. On the contrary, social propaganda is more didactic, perspective and tries to motivate people for productive activities. Social marketing is more effective in a short period and social propaganda is more useful in a long perspective. Differences between reportage, daily media and propaganda are discussed in the article. Social propaganda needs participatory media. Various forms of participatory media (embedded, engaged and embodied) are analyzed. The topic of social engineering is analyzed on the basis of K. Popper's considerations. Popper differentiates between utopian or totalitarian engineering and "piecemeal social engineering". Popper's conception of utopian engineering is partly criticized. Every big social project is not only a form of elimination of mistakes; it also has utopian features and dream perspectives. The truth of democratic development couldn't be evaluated only by Popper's principle of fallibilism. More important are the alternative, competitive forms of social propaganda and open public discussions. [.]

How do emotions contribute to mobilizing the international community to join massive protests against climate change? Although it is common to superficially state that protests are full of various emotions, it remains unclear how emotions become collective on the international level and how they ensure the spread of mass mobilization. This research paper examines the process of collectivization of emotions and how it explains mass mobilization in the case of international climate change strikes. This paper raises the question of how the emotional environment was favourably constructed in Greta Thunberg's case in order to mobilize international society to join climate change strikes, and it aims to reveal how group emotions play an important role in successful international mobilization. Based on Sarah Ahmed's theory of cultural politics of emotions and James M. Jasper's theory linking emotions and social movements, it is assumed that specific emotions were circulated to create a distinct emotional environment that inspired the international community to join Thunberg's climate strike. An Emotional Discourse Analysis revealed that Thunberg's speeches are full of emotional potential that provokes reactive emotions such as fear, anger and hope in the global society and establishes an injustice-based framing of the problem as well as the dichotomy between the political elite and the global society. This study contributes to the research field of emotions in international relations by exploring in more depth the collectivization of emotions and expands the theory of cultural politics of emotions to include explanations of international politics phenomena such as mass mobilization.

How do emotions contribute to mobilizing the international community to join massive protests against climate change? Although it is common to superficially state that protests are full of various emotions, it remains unclear how emotions become collective on the international level and how they ensure the spread of mass mobilization. This research paper examines the process of collectivization of emotions and how it explains mass mobilization in the case of international climate change strikes. This paper raises the question of how the emotional environment was favourably constructed in Greta Thunberg's case in order to mobilize international society to join climate change strikes, and it aims to reveal how group emotions play an important role in successful international mobilization. Based on Sarah Ahmed's theory of cultural politics of emotions and James M. Jasper's theory linking emotions and social movements, it is assumed that specific emotions were circulated to create a distinct emotional environment that inspired the international community to join Thunberg's climate strike. An Emotional Discourse Analysis revealed that Thunberg's speeches are full of emotional potential that provokes reactive emotions such as fear, anger and hope in the global society and establishes an injustice-based framing of the problem as well as the dichotomy between the political elite and the global society. This study contributes to the research field of emotions in international relations by exploring in more depth the collectivization of emotions and expands the theory of cultural politics of emotions to include explanations of international politics phenomena such as mass mobilization.

How do emotions contribute to mobilizing the international community to join massive protests against climate change? Although it is common to superficially state that protests are full of various emotions, it remains unclear how emotions become collective on the international level and how they ensure the spread of mass mobilization. This research paper examines the process of collectivization of emotions and how it explains mass mobilization in the case of international climate change strikes. This paper raises the question of how the emotional environment was favourably constructed in Greta Thunberg's case in order to mobilize international society to join climate change strikes, and it aims to reveal how group emotions play an important role in successful international mobilization. Based on Sarah Ahmed's theory of cultural politics of emotions and James M. Jasper's theory linking emotions and social movements, it is assumed that specific emotions were circulated to create a distinct emotional environment that inspired the international community to join Thunberg's climate strike. An Emotional Discourse Analysis revealed that Thunberg's speeches are full of emotional potential that provokes reactive emotions such as fear, anger and hope in the global society and establishes an injustice-based framing of the problem as well as the dichotomy between the political elite and the global society. This study contributes to the research field of emotions in international relations by exploring in more depth the collectivization of emotions and expands the theory of cultural politics of emotions to include explanations of international politics phenomena such as mass mobilization.

How do emotions contribute to mobilizing the international community to join massive protests against climate change? Although it is common to superficially state that protests are full of various emotions, it remains unclear how emotions become collective on the international level and how they ensure the spread of mass mobilization. This research paper examines the process of collectivization of emotions and how it explains mass mobilization in the case of international climate change strikes. This paper raises the question of how the emotional environment was favourably constructed in Greta Thunberg's case in order to mobilize international society to join climate change strikes, and it aims to reveal how group emotions play an important role in successful international mobilization. Based on Sarah Ahmed's theory of cultural politics of emotions and James M. Jasper's theory linking emotions and social movements, it is assumed that specific emotions were circulated to create a distinct emotional environment that inspired the international community to join Thunberg's climate strike. An Emotional Discourse Analysis revealed that Thunberg's speeches are full of emotional potential that provokes reactive emotions such as fear, anger and hope in the global society and establishes an injustice-based framing of the problem as well as the dichotomy between the political elite and the global society. This study contributes to the research field of emotions in international relations by exploring in more depth the collectivization of emotions and expands the theory of cultural politics of emotions to include explanations of international politics phenomena such as mass mobilization.

The article focuses on the analysis of Lithuanian punk rock (also called punk/hardcore) subculture, especially its cultural influences from abroad during different historical periods. In order to achieve this goal, the main historical-cultural periods of the subculture were determined, the main features and values of the subculture of the periods determined were studied, and the features of Lithuanian and Western punk rock subculture were compared focusing on the main cultural influences. To obtain empirical data ethnographic research methods were applied: semi-structured in-depth interviews, questionnaires, analysis of group documents, etc. The respondents were chosen using the 'snow ball' sampling method. The research data were collected in 2005-2009. During the research, thirty semi-structured (in-depth) interviews with the most active and well-informed representatives of the subculture in Lithuanian were analysed. It can be concluded that during Soviet times, one of the main local features of Lithuanian punk rock subculture was ideological resistance towards communist system, and "do-it-yourself" ideas were cultivated as necessity. Cultural protest in this period was expressed by different appearance (style), in general. In the period of political thaw, Lithuanian punk rock subculture felt a kind of cultural verve, and it supported ideas of Lithuanian independence as well. After the retrieving of Lithuania's Independence, ideas of Western punk rock subculture began to flow intensively. In some time, the ideas of anti-capitalism, vegetarianism, feminism, human and animal rights become part of contemporary Lithuanian subculture, and "do-it-yourself" starts being cultivated as philosophy, not as necessity; the role of appearance (style) while expressing the cultural protest becomes almost insignificant, but still present.

The article focuses on the analysis of Lithuanian punk rock (also called punk/hardcore) subculture, especially its cultural influences from abroad during different historical periods. In order to achieve this goal, the main historical-cultural periods of the subculture were determined, the main features and values of the subculture of the periods determined were studied, and the features of Lithuanian and Western punk rock subculture were compared focusing on the main cultural influences. To obtain empirical data ethnographic research methods were applied: semi-structured in-depth interviews, questionnaires, analysis of group documents, etc. The respondents were chosen using the 'snow ball' sampling method. The research data were collected in 2005-2009. During the research, thirty semi-structured (in-depth) interviews with the most active and well-informed representatives of the subculture in Lithuanian were analysed. It can be concluded that during Soviet times, one of the main local features of Lithuanian punk rock subculture was ideological resistance towards communist system, and "do-it-yourself" ideas were cultivated as necessity. Cultural protest in this period was expressed by different appearance (style), in general. In the period of political thaw, Lithuanian punk rock subculture felt a kind of cultural verve, and it supported ideas of Lithuanian independence as well. After the retrieving of Lithuania's Independence, ideas of Western punk rock subculture began to flow intensively. In some time, the ideas of anti-capitalism, vegetarianism, feminism, human and animal rights become part of contemporary Lithuanian subculture, and "do-it-yourself" starts being cultivated as philosophy, not as necessity; the role of appearance (style) while expressing the cultural protest becomes almost insignificant, but still present.