Suchergebnisse

The object of research in this work is the domestic policy of Russia. The purpose of the work is to identify possible links between the adoption of some internal political decisions in the Russian Federation and the protests taking place at that time in the Republic of Belarus. The main objectives of the research: to identify the main political actors in modern Russia; describe the main criteria for making political decisions in Russia and the motivation of the actors who make them; highlight the characteristic features of Belarusian protests that could manifest themselves in the future in Russia; to analyze some of the latest political decisions made in Russia from the point of view of their motivation by the events in Belarus. The first part of the study identifies the main groups of actors who participate in political decision-making in Russia, their motivation, as well as the criteria for making such decisions. Assumptions and conclusions are made using the "Selectorate theory". The main research method used in the work was the "case study" method. Three cases of political decision-making were studied, which were formalized in the form of bills that passed at least the first reading in the State Duma of the Russian Federation. The cases were considered based on an analysis of the text of the draft law itself, official statements about the reasons for its appearance, available expert comments, as well as taking into account the prevailing socio-political situation at the time of the draft. The data obtained were compared with the events in Belarus that occurred not long before the occurrence of the case, which made it possible to assume the existence of cause-and-effect relationships between these events and the adoption of appropriate political decisions. The studied bills and the Belarusian political crisis are also considered in the context of the " Selectorate theory", which provides additional argumentation in identifying their interrelationships. The rallies that took place on January 23, 2021 in Russia, at the time of the completion of this work, show that it may be worthwhile to continue research on the research topic in order to predict the development of events in Russian politics.

The object of research in this work is the domestic policy of Russia. The purpose of the work is to identify possible links between the adoption of some internal political decisions in the Russian Federation and the protests taking place at that time in the Republic of Belarus. The main objectives of the research: to identify the main political actors in modern Russia; describe the main criteria for making political decisions in Russia and the motivation of the actors who make them; highlight the characteristic features of Belarusian protests that could manifest themselves in the future in Russia; to analyze some of the latest political decisions made in Russia from the point of view of their motivation by the events in Belarus. The first part of the study identifies the main groups of actors who participate in political decision-making in Russia, their motivation, as well as the criteria for making such decisions. Assumptions and conclusions are made using the "Selectorate theory". The main research method used in the work was the "case study" method. Three cases of political decision-making were studied, which were formalized in the form of bills that passed at least the first reading in the State Duma of the Russian Federation. The cases were considered based on an analysis of the text of the draft law itself, official statements about the reasons for its appearance, available expert comments, as well as taking into account the prevailing socio-political situation at the time of the draft. The data obtained were compared with the events in Belarus that occurred not long before the occurrence of the case, which made it possible to assume the existence of cause-and-effect relationships between these events and the adoption of appropriate political decisions. The studied bills and the Belarusian political crisis are also considered in the context of the " Selectorate theory", which provides additional argumentation in identifying their interrelationships. The rallies that took place on January 23, 2021 in Russia, at the time of the completion of this work, show that it may be worthwhile to continue research on the research topic in order to predict the development of events in Russian politics.

Rewriting Space with Urban Protests: Case of Vincas Kudirka Square The aim of the master thesis is to conduct the analysis and evaluation of a certain urban space in Vilnius – Vincas Kudirka square, as well as the protests that take place there. The protests are analyzed as performances, while urban space as a scenography (material and technological stagecraft) for those performances. Stages of research: 1. Conduct an analysis of theoretical review of literature. Following theoretical guidelines of Michel de Carteau and Henri Lefebvre the description of the geographical place is being discussed, moreover, the transformation into the space, its parameters and creatures. In terms to achieve more comprehensive concept of the space, attention is also paid to descriptions of the site-specific art and scenography. First part of this master thesis also discusses the concept of urban protests as the practice of space – ways of creating, while exploring the concept of performance (Richard's Schechner's theory). This part also analyzes the relationship between urban protests and the space itself (ideas of Erika Fisher-Lichte). Some orientation questions are presented. 2. Conduct an analysis of some particular examples of urban protests at Vincas Kudirka Square. Some brief settings of Vincas Kudirka Square are mentioned in order to observe how urban scenarios around this space change and how protests affect it. The literature of urban anthropology is analyzed in order to explore the concept of space and the factors that create it. Moreover, since the protests are viewed as performances, and space as a possible scenography for it, performance theory and site-specific art literature are analyzed. Having completed both the theoretical literature analysis and the research of the case, it has been concluded that urban spaces should not be represented as the city's gated property or as walled garden. These spaces should be spaces that provide citizens with opportunities to engage in political and social debates. Municipalities of the cities should plan the streets for artists and protesters to create stages for their events and to communicate their political and any kind of ideas. The protest is an appeal; therefore, it needs the widest possible audience.

Rewriting Space with Urban Protests: Case of Vincas Kudirka Square The aim of the master thesis is to conduct the analysis and evaluation of a certain urban space in Vilnius – Vincas Kudirka square, as well as the protests that take place there. The protests are analyzed as performances, while urban space as a scenography (material and technological stagecraft) for those performances. Stages of research: 1. Conduct an analysis of theoretical review of literature. Following theoretical guidelines of Michel de Carteau and Henri Lefebvre the description of the geographical place is being discussed, moreover, the transformation into the space, its parameters and creatures. In terms to achieve more comprehensive concept of the space, attention is also paid to descriptions of the site-specific art and scenography. First part of this master thesis also discusses the concept of urban protests as the practice of space – ways of creating, while exploring the concept of performance (Richard's Schechner's theory). This part also analyzes the relationship between urban protests and the space itself (ideas of Erika Fisher-Lichte). Some orientation questions are presented. 2. Conduct an analysis of some particular examples of urban protests at Vincas Kudirka Square. Some brief settings of Vincas Kudirka Square are mentioned in order to observe how urban scenarios around this space change and how protests affect it. The literature of urban anthropology is analyzed in order to explore the concept of space and the factors that create it. Moreover, since the protests are viewed as performances, and space as a possible scenography for it, performance theory and site-specific art literature are analyzed. Having completed both the theoretical literature analysis and the research of the case, it has been concluded that urban spaces should not be represented as the city's gated property or as walled garden. These spaces should be spaces that provide citizens with opportunities to engage in political and social debates. Municipalities of the cities should plan the streets for artists and protesters to create stages for their events and to communicate their political and any kind of ideas. The protest is an appeal; therefore, it needs the widest possible audience.

Rewriting Space with Urban Protests: Case of Vincas Kudirka Square The aim of the master thesis is to conduct the analysis and evaluation of a certain urban space in Vilnius – Vincas Kudirka square, as well as the protests that take place there. The protests are analyzed as performances, while urban space as a scenography (material and technological stagecraft) for those performances. Stages of research: 1. Conduct an analysis of theoretical review of literature. Following theoretical guidelines of Michel de Carteau and Henri Lefebvre the description of the geographical place is being discussed, moreover, the transformation into the space, its parameters and creatures. In terms to achieve more comprehensive concept of the space, attention is also paid to descriptions of the site-specific art and scenography. First part of this master thesis also discusses the concept of urban protests as the practice of space – ways of creating, while exploring the concept of performance (Richard's Schechner's theory). This part also analyzes the relationship between urban protests and the space itself (ideas of Erika Fisher-Lichte). Some orientation questions are presented. 2. Conduct an analysis of some particular examples of urban protests at Vincas Kudirka Square. Some brief settings of Vincas Kudirka Square are mentioned in order to observe how urban scenarios around this space change and how protests affect it. The literature of urban anthropology is analyzed in order to explore the concept of space and the factors that create it. Moreover, since the protests are viewed as performances, and space as a possible scenography for it, performance theory and site-specific art literature are analyzed. Having completed both the theoretical literature analysis and the research of the case, it has been concluded that urban spaces should not be represented as the city's gated property or as walled garden. These spaces should be spaces that provide citizens with opportunities to engage in political and social debates. Municipalities of the cities should plan the streets for artists and protesters to create stages for their events and to communicate their political and any kind of ideas. The protest is an appeal; therefore, it needs the widest possible audience.

Rewriting Space with Urban Protests: Case of Vincas Kudirka Square The aim of the master thesis is to conduct the analysis and evaluation of a certain urban space in Vilnius – Vincas Kudirka square, as well as the protests that take place there. The protests are analyzed as performances, while urban space as a scenography (material and technological stagecraft) for those performances. Stages of research: 1. Conduct an analysis of theoretical review of literature. Following theoretical guidelines of Michel de Carteau and Henri Lefebvre the description of the geographical place is being discussed, moreover, the transformation into the space, its parameters and creatures. In terms to achieve more comprehensive concept of the space, attention is also paid to descriptions of the site-specific art and scenography. First part of this master thesis also discusses the concept of urban protests as the practice of space – ways of creating, while exploring the concept of performance (Richard's Schechner's theory). This part also analyzes the relationship between urban protests and the space itself (ideas of Erika Fisher-Lichte). Some orientation questions are presented. 2. Conduct an analysis of some particular examples of urban protests at Vincas Kudirka Square. Some brief settings of Vincas Kudirka Square are mentioned in order to observe how urban scenarios around this space change and how protests affect it. The literature of urban anthropology is analyzed in order to explore the concept of space and the factors that create it. Moreover, since the protests are viewed as performances, and space as a possible scenography for it, performance theory and site-specific art literature are analyzed. Having completed both the theoretical literature analysis and the research of the case, it has been concluded that urban spaces should not be represented as the city's gated property or as walled garden. These spaces should be spaces that provide citizens with opportunities to engage in political and social debates. Municipalities of the cities should plan the streets for artists and protesters to create stages for their events and to communicate their political and any kind of ideas. The protest is an appeal; therefore, it needs the widest possible audience.

The object of this master thesis is the principle of universal jurisdiction in Germany in the context of Belarus protests since 2020. The subject – jurisdiction of the actions of the authorities during the protests in Belarus since 2020, as a crime against humanity, torture. The aim of the study is to analyse: how to bring to justice people who committed crimes during the suppression of protests in the Republic of Belarus according to the rules of universal jurisdiction in accordance with the legislation of Germany. The tasks of the thesis: to study the concept of universal jurisdiction and prove its relevance in the context of fair trial prosecution for international crimes, to analyse the concept of torture as a crime against humanity, to analyse the available materials regarding the protests in the Republic of Belarus since 2020 in this regard, to prove that victims of torture do not have the opportunity to implement a fair trial on the national level, to identify the main problems in the prosecution of international crimes at the national level in general, to analyse the regulation of universal jurisdiction in Germany, to prove the possibility of prosecuting persons who have committed crimes against humanity in the Republic of Belarus in accordance with German law. The usage of such methods as a doctrinal research method, to conduct a critical qualitative analysis of legal materials to confirm the hypothesis, also the comparative legal and logical-legal research method for a critical analysis of different sets of laws and for comparison of different jurisdictions led to a conclusion that crimes committed by representatives of the Belarusian authorities definitely fall under the definition of torture in German law, as well as international criminal law, and universal jurisdiction can be applied.

The object of this master thesis is the principle of universal jurisdiction in Germany in the context of Belarus protests since 2020. The subject – jurisdiction of the actions of the authorities during the protests in Belarus since 2020, as a crime against humanity, torture. The aim of the study is to analyse: how to bring to justice people who committed crimes during the suppression of protests in the Republic of Belarus according to the rules of universal jurisdiction in accordance with the legislation of Germany. The tasks of the thesis: to study the concept of universal jurisdiction and prove its relevance in the context of fair trial prosecution for international crimes, to analyse the concept of torture as a crime against humanity, to analyse the available materials regarding the protests in the Republic of Belarus since 2020 in this regard, to prove that victims of torture do not have the opportunity to implement a fair trial on the national level, to identify the main problems in the prosecution of international crimes at the national level in general, to analyse the regulation of universal jurisdiction in Germany, to prove the possibility of prosecuting persons who have committed crimes against humanity in the Republic of Belarus in accordance with German law. The usage of such methods as a doctrinal research method, to conduct a critical qualitative analysis of legal materials to confirm the hypothesis, also the comparative legal and logical-legal research method for a critical analysis of different sets of laws and for comparison of different jurisdictions led to a conclusion that crimes committed by representatives of the Belarusian authorities definitely fall under the definition of torture in German law, as well as international criminal law, and universal jurisdiction can be applied.

All for One, One for All: Concepts of Solidarity in Protests of Lithuanian Educational System in 2019 The thesis analyzes how the motivation and goals of the participants' relations during the 2019 protest for education reforms can be explained with regard to solidarity functions. The study systematizes the typologies of solidarity, paying special attention to the solidarity functions. Interpretation of the analysis material – semi-structured in-depth interviews with protest activists – reveals their concepts of solidarity. Special attention is paid to the reasoning why protesters maintain commonality relations and what is the significance of political collective identity in the resistance activities. In this study, the actions of the 2019 protesters are approached as a symbolic expression of solidarity. Solidarity is a strategy for proving community membership and can be implemented in both interpersonal and intergroup relations. According to Rainer C. Baum, when two individuals share the norms of commonality, the solidarity performs autotelic, instrumental, socio-moral, political functions, and thus mutual benefits are obtained. If the structure of protesters solidarity corresponds to all of these features, then it is full-fledged, and if some aspects are absent, then the potential of interpersonal and intergroup commonality is not actualized. The study revealed that various macro-level collaboration strategies, most often dominated by one or more functions, were used in 2019 protests. Usually, the intergroup commonality performed a political function, because the external goals seemed to be the most important and the interests of the group were being pushed to the foreground. Cooperation among various organizations took place to overcome the antagonist, improve the conditions of the group by participating in the political sphere, thus strengthening the political identity which promoted active participation and leadership. However, the intergroup solidarity did not perform a socio-moral function that should have helped to imbue the commonality with moral values. In the absence of this function, power games began to take place among groups prioritizing political identity, leading to a lack of unity. Contrarily, a group of protesters with an excess of socio-moral function was putting too much focus on maintaining one's identity, forgetting external goals. The commonalities with instrumental and autotelic functions revealed that solidarity was scarce if the group or intergroup collaboration did not perform other functions. The groups with the instrumental function dominance had too much focus on the pursuit of the goal, did not foster the loyalty of the members, did not care for personal identities and different interests of individuals. Whereas communications of the groups sharing a commonality with the autotelic function dominance could be equated to networking. On the other hand, in such cases, the strategies of the group members were aimed at maintaining collectivity and shared a sense of respect and commitment. The cooperation of several groups performed almost all the functions of solidarity. Their strategies did not lack the desire to preserve both personal identity and group values. Thus, clear goals were pursued, each participant had and could contribute in a certain way, there was a will to maintain the group's discourse in the political sphere. However, the study revealed a number of 2019 protest weaknesses, an excessive willingness to demonstrate power, intergroup divisions, and a lack of balanced relations. It's hard to say that one or other solidarity strategy undermined the protest, but it has been showed that solidarity can function only by maintaining a balance of relations, and in some cases, this did not happen. That may have been one of the reasons why the protest did not achieve its goal.

All for One, One for All: Concepts of Solidarity in Protests of Lithuanian Educational System in 2019 The thesis analyzes how the motivation and goals of the participants' relations during the 2019 protest for education reforms can be explained with regard to solidarity functions. The study systematizes the typologies of solidarity, paying special attention to the solidarity functions. Interpretation of the analysis material – semi-structured in-depth interviews with protest activists – reveals their concepts of solidarity. Special attention is paid to the reasoning why protesters maintain commonality relations and what is the significance of political collective identity in the resistance activities. In this study, the actions of the 2019 protesters are approached as a symbolic expression of solidarity. Solidarity is a strategy for proving community membership and can be implemented in both interpersonal and intergroup relations. According to Rainer C. Baum, when two individuals share the norms of commonality, the solidarity performs autotelic, instrumental, socio-moral, political functions, and thus mutual benefits are obtained. If the structure of protesters solidarity corresponds to all of these features, then it is full-fledged, and if some aspects are absent, then the potential of interpersonal and intergroup commonality is not actualized. The study revealed that various macro-level collaboration strategies, most often dominated by one or more functions, were used in 2019 protests. Usually, the intergroup commonality performed a political function, because the external goals seemed to be the most important and the interests of the group were being pushed to the foreground. Cooperation among various organizations took place to overcome the antagonist, improve the conditions of the group by participating in the political sphere, thus strengthening the political identity which promoted active participation and leadership. However, the intergroup solidarity did not perform a socio-moral function that should have helped to imbue the commonality with moral values. In the absence of this function, power games began to take place among groups prioritizing political identity, leading to a lack of unity. Contrarily, a group of protesters with an excess of socio-moral function was putting too much focus on maintaining one's identity, forgetting external goals. The commonalities with instrumental and autotelic functions revealed that solidarity was scarce if the group or intergroup collaboration did not perform other functions. The groups with the instrumental function dominance had too much focus on the pursuit of the goal, did not foster the loyalty of the members, did not care for personal identities and different interests of individuals. Whereas communications of the groups sharing a commonality with the autotelic function dominance could be equated to networking. On the other hand, in such cases, the strategies of the group members were aimed at maintaining collectivity and shared a sense of respect and commitment. The cooperation of several groups performed almost all the functions of solidarity. Their strategies did not lack the desire to preserve both personal identity and group values. Thus, clear goals were pursued, each participant had and could contribute in a certain way, there was a will to maintain the group's discourse in the political sphere. However, the study revealed a number of 2019 protest weaknesses, an excessive willingness to demonstrate power, intergroup divisions, and a lack of balanced relations. It's hard to say that one or other solidarity strategy undermined the protest, but it has been showed that solidarity can function only by maintaining a balance of relations, and in some cases, this did not happen. That may have been one of the reasons why the protest did not achieve its goal.

All for One, One for All: Concepts of Solidarity in Protests of Lithuanian Educational System in 2019 The thesis analyzes how the motivation and goals of the participants' relations during the 2019 protest for education reforms can be explained with regard to solidarity functions. The study systematizes the typologies of solidarity, paying special attention to the solidarity functions. Interpretation of the analysis material – semi-structured in-depth interviews with protest activists – reveals their concepts of solidarity. Special attention is paid to the reasoning why protesters maintain commonality relations and what is the significance of political collective identity in the resistance activities. In this study, the actions of the 2019 protesters are approached as a symbolic expression of solidarity. Solidarity is a strategy for proving community membership and can be implemented in both interpersonal and intergroup relations. According to Rainer C. Baum, when two individuals share the norms of commonality, the solidarity performs autotelic, instrumental, socio-moral, political functions, and thus mutual benefits are obtained. If the structure of protesters solidarity corresponds to all of these features, then it is full-fledged, and if some aspects are absent, then the potential of interpersonal and intergroup commonality is not actualized. The study revealed that various macro-level collaboration strategies, most often dominated by one or more functions, were used in 2019 protests. Usually, the intergroup commonality performed a political function, because the external goals seemed to be the most important and the interests of the group were being pushed to the foreground. Cooperation among various organizations took place to overcome the antagonist, improve the conditions of the group by participating in the political sphere, thus strengthening the political identity which promoted active participation and leadership. However, the intergroup solidarity did not perform a socio-moral function that should have helped to imbue the commonality with moral values. In the absence of this function, power games began to take place among groups prioritizing political identity, leading to a lack of unity. Contrarily, a group of protesters with an excess of socio-moral function was putting too much focus on maintaining one's identity, forgetting external goals. The commonalities with instrumental and autotelic functions revealed that solidarity was scarce if the group or intergroup collaboration did not perform other functions. The groups with the instrumental function dominance had too much focus on the pursuit of the goal, did not foster the loyalty of the members, did not care for personal identities and different interests of individuals. Whereas communications of the groups sharing a commonality with the autotelic function dominance could be equated to networking. On the other hand, in such cases, the strategies of the group members were aimed at maintaining collectivity and shared a sense of respect and commitment. The cooperation of several groups performed almost all the functions of solidarity. Their strategies did not lack the desire to preserve both personal identity and group values. Thus, clear goals were pursued, each participant had and could contribute in a certain way, there was a will to maintain the group's discourse in the political sphere. However, the study revealed a number of 2019 protest weaknesses, an excessive willingness to demonstrate power, intergroup divisions, and a lack of balanced relations. It's hard to say that one or other solidarity strategy undermined the protest, but it has been showed that solidarity can function only by maintaining a balance of relations, and in some cases, this did not happen. That may have been one of the reasons why the protest did not achieve its goal.

All for One, One for All: Concepts of Solidarity in Protests of Lithuanian Educational System in 2019 The thesis analyzes how the motivation and goals of the participants' relations during the 2019 protest for education reforms can be explained with regard to solidarity functions. The study systematizes the typologies of solidarity, paying special attention to the solidarity functions. Interpretation of the analysis material – semi-structured in-depth interviews with protest activists – reveals their concepts of solidarity. Special attention is paid to the reasoning why protesters maintain commonality relations and what is the significance of political collective identity in the resistance activities. In this study, the actions of the 2019 protesters are approached as a symbolic expression of solidarity. Solidarity is a strategy for proving community membership and can be implemented in both interpersonal and intergroup relations. According to Rainer C. Baum, when two individuals share the norms of commonality, the solidarity performs autotelic, instrumental, socio-moral, political functions, and thus mutual benefits are obtained. If the structure of protesters solidarity corresponds to all of these features, then it is full-fledged, and if some aspects are absent, then the potential of interpersonal and intergroup commonality is not actualized. The study revealed that various macro-level collaboration strategies, most often dominated by one or more functions, were used in 2019 protests. Usually, the intergroup commonality performed a political function, because the external goals seemed to be the most important and the interests of the group were being pushed to the foreground. Cooperation among various organizations took place to overcome the antagonist, improve the conditions of the group by participating in the political sphere, thus strengthening the political identity which promoted active participation and leadership. However, the intergroup solidarity did not perform a socio-moral function that should have helped to imbue the commonality with moral values. In the absence of this function, power games began to take place among groups prioritizing political identity, leading to a lack of unity. Contrarily, a group of protesters with an excess of socio-moral function was putting too much focus on maintaining one's identity, forgetting external goals. The commonalities with instrumental and autotelic functions revealed that solidarity was scarce if the group or intergroup collaboration did not perform other functions. The groups with the instrumental function dominance had too much focus on the pursuit of the goal, did not foster the loyalty of the members, did not care for personal identities and different interests of individuals. Whereas communications of the groups sharing a commonality with the autotelic function dominance could be equated to networking. On the other hand, in such cases, the strategies of the group members were aimed at maintaining collectivity and shared a sense of respect and commitment. The cooperation of several groups performed almost all the functions of solidarity. Their strategies did not lack the desire to preserve both personal identity and group values. Thus, clear goals were pursued, each participant had and could contribute in a certain way, there was a will to maintain the group's discourse in the political sphere. However, the study revealed a number of 2019 protest weaknesses, an excessive willingness to demonstrate power, intergroup divisions, and a lack of balanced relations. It's hard to say that one or other solidarity strategy undermined the protest, but it has been showed that solidarity can function only by maintaining a balance of relations, and in some cases, this did not happen. That may have been one of the reasons why the protest did not achieve its goal.

In analysing the dynamics and mechanisms of mass protest from 1987 to 1988 in Lithuania, this article explores what kind of social ties – strong or weak – are conducive to the mobilisation of collective action in a (post-)totalitarian society. The empirical analysis is based on data collected as part of the 2009-2011 research project 'The Phenomenon of Sąjūdis: Network Analysis of a Civic Movement'. First, the article defines the distinction between strong and weak ties, and highlights the importance of social networks for the mobilisation of collective action. Second, it analyses the micro-structure of Lithuanian society in the Soviet period. Based on the type of network ties, three distinct social arenas are distinguished: underground society, alternative legal society and official society. Finally, the article analyses which of these arenas could be seen as the seedbed of the Sąjūdis movement. Also demonstrated is the distinct role of different kinds of social ties at different stages in the development of the movement.

In analysing the dynamics and mechanisms of mass protest from 1987 to 1988 in Lithuania, this article explores what kind of social ties – strong or weak – are conducive to the mobilisation of collective action in a (post-)totalitarian society. The empirical analysis is based on data collected as part of the 2009-2011 research project 'The Phenomenon of Sąjūdis: Network Analysis of a Civic Movement'. First, the article defines the distinction between strong and weak ties, and highlights the importance of social networks for the mobilisation of collective action. Second, it analyses the micro-structure of Lithuanian society in the Soviet period. Based on the type of network ties, three distinct social arenas are distinguished: underground society, alternative legal society and official society. Finally, the article analyses which of these arenas could be seen as the seedbed of the Sąjūdis movement. Also demonstrated is the distinct role of different kinds of social ties at different stages in the development of the movement.

In analysing the dynamics and mechanisms of mass protest from 1987 to 1988 in Lithuania, this article explores what kind of social ties – strong or weak – are conducive to the mobilisation of collective action in a (post-)totalitarian society. The empirical analysis is based on data collected as part of the 2009-2011 research project 'The Phenomenon of Sąjūdis: Network Analysis of a Civic Movement'. First, the article defines the distinction between strong and weak ties, and highlights the importance of social networks for the mobilisation of collective action. Second, it analyses the micro-structure of Lithuanian society in the Soviet period. Based on the type of network ties, three distinct social arenas are distinguished: underground society, alternative legal society and official society. Finally, the article analyses which of these arenas could be seen as the seedbed of the Sąjūdis movement. Also demonstrated is the distinct role of different kinds of social ties at different stages in the development of the movement.