Suchergebnisse

Rewriting Space with Urban Protests: Case of Vincas Kudirka Square The aim of the master thesis is to conduct the analysis and evaluation of a certain urban space in Vilnius – Vincas Kudirka square, as well as the protests that take place there. The protests are analyzed as performances, while urban space as a scenography (material and technological stagecraft) for those performances. Stages of research: 1. Conduct an analysis of theoretical review of literature. Following theoretical guidelines of Michel de Carteau and Henri Lefebvre the description of the geographical place is being discussed, moreover, the transformation into the space, its parameters and creatures. In terms to achieve more comprehensive concept of the space, attention is also paid to descriptions of the site-specific art and scenography. First part of this master thesis also discusses the concept of urban protests as the practice of space – ways of creating, while exploring the concept of performance (Richard's Schechner's theory). This part also analyzes the relationship between urban protests and the space itself (ideas of Erika Fisher-Lichte). Some orientation questions are presented. 2. Conduct an analysis of some particular examples of urban protests at Vincas Kudirka Square. Some brief settings of Vincas Kudirka Square are mentioned in order to observe how urban scenarios around this space change and how protests affect it. The literature of urban anthropology is analyzed in order to explore the concept of space and the factors that create it. Moreover, since the protests are viewed as performances, and space as a possible scenography for it, performance theory and site-specific art literature are analyzed. Having completed both the theoretical literature analysis and the research of the case, it has been concluded that urban spaces should not be represented as the city's gated property or as walled garden. These spaces should be spaces that provide citizens with opportunities to engage in political and social debates. Municipalities of the cities should plan the streets for artists and protesters to create stages for their events and to communicate their political and any kind of ideas. The protest is an appeal; therefore, it needs the widest possible audience.

Rewriting Space with Urban Protests: Case of Vincas Kudirka Square The aim of the master thesis is to conduct the analysis and evaluation of a certain urban space in Vilnius – Vincas Kudirka square, as well as the protests that take place there. The protests are analyzed as performances, while urban space as a scenography (material and technological stagecraft) for those performances. Stages of research: 1. Conduct an analysis of theoretical review of literature. Following theoretical guidelines of Michel de Carteau and Henri Lefebvre the description of the geographical place is being discussed, moreover, the transformation into the space, its parameters and creatures. In terms to achieve more comprehensive concept of the space, attention is also paid to descriptions of the site-specific art and scenography. First part of this master thesis also discusses the concept of urban protests as the practice of space – ways of creating, while exploring the concept of performance (Richard's Schechner's theory). This part also analyzes the relationship between urban protests and the space itself (ideas of Erika Fisher-Lichte). Some orientation questions are presented. 2. Conduct an analysis of some particular examples of urban protests at Vincas Kudirka Square. Some brief settings of Vincas Kudirka Square are mentioned in order to observe how urban scenarios around this space change and how protests affect it. The literature of urban anthropology is analyzed in order to explore the concept of space and the factors that create it. Moreover, since the protests are viewed as performances, and space as a possible scenography for it, performance theory and site-specific art literature are analyzed. Having completed both the theoretical literature analysis and the research of the case, it has been concluded that urban spaces should not be represented as the city's gated property or as walled garden. These spaces should be spaces that provide citizens with opportunities to engage in political and social debates. Municipalities of the cities should plan the streets for artists and protesters to create stages for their events and to communicate their political and any kind of ideas. The protest is an appeal; therefore, it needs the widest possible audience.

Rewriting Space with Urban Protests: Case of Vincas Kudirka Square The aim of the master thesis is to conduct the analysis and evaluation of a certain urban space in Vilnius – Vincas Kudirka square, as well as the protests that take place there. The protests are analyzed as performances, while urban space as a scenography (material and technological stagecraft) for those performances. Stages of research: 1. Conduct an analysis of theoretical review of literature. Following theoretical guidelines of Michel de Carteau and Henri Lefebvre the description of the geographical place is being discussed, moreover, the transformation into the space, its parameters and creatures. In terms to achieve more comprehensive concept of the space, attention is also paid to descriptions of the site-specific art and scenography. First part of this master thesis also discusses the concept of urban protests as the practice of space – ways of creating, while exploring the concept of performance (Richard's Schechner's theory). This part also analyzes the relationship between urban protests and the space itself (ideas of Erika Fisher-Lichte). Some orientation questions are presented. 2. Conduct an analysis of some particular examples of urban protests at Vincas Kudirka Square. Some brief settings of Vincas Kudirka Square are mentioned in order to observe how urban scenarios around this space change and how protests affect it. The literature of urban anthropology is analyzed in order to explore the concept of space and the factors that create it. Moreover, since the protests are viewed as performances, and space as a possible scenography for it, performance theory and site-specific art literature are analyzed. Having completed both the theoretical literature analysis and the research of the case, it has been concluded that urban spaces should not be represented as the city's gated property or as walled garden. These spaces should be spaces that provide citizens with opportunities to engage in political and social debates. Municipalities of the cities should plan the streets for artists and protesters to create stages for their events and to communicate their political and any kind of ideas. The protest is an appeal; therefore, it needs the widest possible audience.

Rewriting Space with Urban Protests: Case of Vincas Kudirka Square The aim of the master thesis is to conduct the analysis and evaluation of a certain urban space in Vilnius – Vincas Kudirka square, as well as the protests that take place there. The protests are analyzed as performances, while urban space as a scenography (material and technological stagecraft) for those performances. Stages of research: 1. Conduct an analysis of theoretical review of literature. Following theoretical guidelines of Michel de Carteau and Henri Lefebvre the description of the geographical place is being discussed, moreover, the transformation into the space, its parameters and creatures. In terms to achieve more comprehensive concept of the space, attention is also paid to descriptions of the site-specific art and scenography. First part of this master thesis also discusses the concept of urban protests as the practice of space – ways of creating, while exploring the concept of performance (Richard's Schechner's theory). This part also analyzes the relationship between urban protests and the space itself (ideas of Erika Fisher-Lichte). Some orientation questions are presented. 2. Conduct an analysis of some particular examples of urban protests at Vincas Kudirka Square. Some brief settings of Vincas Kudirka Square are mentioned in order to observe how urban scenarios around this space change and how protests affect it. The literature of urban anthropology is analyzed in order to explore the concept of space and the factors that create it. Moreover, since the protests are viewed as performances, and space as a possible scenography for it, performance theory and site-specific art literature are analyzed. Having completed both the theoretical literature analysis and the research of the case, it has been concluded that urban spaces should not be represented as the city's gated property or as walled garden. These spaces should be spaces that provide citizens with opportunities to engage in political and social debates. Municipalities of the cities should plan the streets for artists and protesters to create stages for their events and to communicate their political and any kind of ideas. The protest is an appeal; therefore, it needs the widest possible audience.

In analysing the dynamics and mechanisms of mass protest from 1987 to 1988 in Lithuania, this article explores what kind of social ties – strong or weak – are conducive to the mobilisation of collective action in a (post-)totalitarian society. The empirical analysis is based on data collected as part of the 2009-2011 research project 'The Phenomenon of Sąjūdis: Network Analysis of a Civic Movement'. First, the article defines the distinction between strong and weak ties, and highlights the importance of social networks for the mobilisation of collective action. Second, it analyses the micro-structure of Lithuanian society in the Soviet period. Based on the type of network ties, three distinct social arenas are distinguished: underground society, alternative legal society and official society. Finally, the article analyses which of these arenas could be seen as the seedbed of the Sąjūdis movement. Also demonstrated is the distinct role of different kinds of social ties at different stages in the development of the movement.

In analysing the dynamics and mechanisms of mass protest from 1987 to 1988 in Lithuania, this article explores what kind of social ties – strong or weak – are conducive to the mobilisation of collective action in a (post-)totalitarian society. The empirical analysis is based on data collected as part of the 2009-2011 research project 'The Phenomenon of Sąjūdis: Network Analysis of a Civic Movement'. First, the article defines the distinction between strong and weak ties, and highlights the importance of social networks for the mobilisation of collective action. Second, it analyses the micro-structure of Lithuanian society in the Soviet period. Based on the type of network ties, three distinct social arenas are distinguished: underground society, alternative legal society and official society. Finally, the article analyses which of these arenas could be seen as the seedbed of the Sąjūdis movement. Also demonstrated is the distinct role of different kinds of social ties at different stages in the development of the movement.

In analysing the dynamics and mechanisms of mass protest from 1987 to 1988 in Lithuania, this article explores what kind of social ties – strong or weak – are conducive to the mobilisation of collective action in a (post-)totalitarian society. The empirical analysis is based on data collected as part of the 2009-2011 research project 'The Phenomenon of Sąjūdis: Network Analysis of a Civic Movement'. First, the article defines the distinction between strong and weak ties, and highlights the importance of social networks for the mobilisation of collective action. Second, it analyses the micro-structure of Lithuanian society in the Soviet period. Based on the type of network ties, three distinct social arenas are distinguished: underground society, alternative legal society and official society. Finally, the article analyses which of these arenas could be seen as the seedbed of the Sąjūdis movement. Also demonstrated is the distinct role of different kinds of social ties at different stages in the development of the movement.

In analysing the dynamics and mechanisms of mass protest from 1987 to 1988 in Lithuania, this article explores what kind of social ties – strong or weak – are conducive to the mobilisation of collective action in a (post-)totalitarian society. The empirical analysis is based on data collected as part of the 2009-2011 research project 'The Phenomenon of Sąjūdis: Network Analysis of a Civic Movement'. First, the article defines the distinction between strong and weak ties, and highlights the importance of social networks for the mobilisation of collective action. Second, it analyses the micro-structure of Lithuanian society in the Soviet period. Based on the type of network ties, three distinct social arenas are distinguished: underground society, alternative legal society and official society. Finally, the article analyses which of these arenas could be seen as the seedbed of the Sąjūdis movement. Also demonstrated is the distinct role of different kinds of social ties at different stages in the development of the movement.

Civil society is a necessity without which democracy can turn into political technocracy. The neoliberal ideology faces new challenges forcing a rethink underlying the individual and the state and free media and its activity and specificity. We encounter a vivid problem when a group of people who own the media resources have all the tools to shape the public opinion according to their demands. Public commentators become the subjects of public opinion when they analyze the current events. The discourse which is created by these people has suggestibility, subjectivism and ideological style thus creating and having influence on the public opinion. This factor led to more closely analyze the Lithuanian media commentators public discourse in the context of civil initiatives and to evaluate the influence of the discourse of civil society development, based on the principles of liberal democracy. The object of this work is Lithuanian news agencies "Delfi.lt", "15min", "Lrytas.lt", and "lrt.lt" commentator's publications related to the mass initiatives of "supermarket boycott" and "protests against the new Labour Code" which both happened in 2016. The paper examines discreditation of civil initiatives, as one of the attributes of a liberal democracy, in the public space. In order to examine the problem, there are 5 tasks to fallow: (1) to discuss the main features of the collective activities of liberal democracy; (2) to assess the media as a political tool of communication to the public knowledge; (3) to disclosure the selected social initiatives characteristics; (4) to perform selected media portals public commentators publications qualitative discourse analysis, highlighting the main findings; (5) to assess the dominant media portals statements by liberal democratic criteria and assessing the significance of the discourse for civil society. The qualitative discourse analysis method was used for the analyzed problem. A structured interview was also used as a method which helped to disclose and assess the positions of the online media commentators for the relevant civil initiatives. The research revealed that the initiative "supermarket boycott" attempted not only to use its collective action resources to change the market prices but to have solidarity with the most vulnerable social groups as well. Meanwhile the protesters against the new Labour Code were holding a position against the bill thus creating resonance within the society and contributing to the growth of the protest culture in Lithuania. The discourse of the public commentators in the public space assessing the civil and social initiatives opposes the liberal democracy principals where free people meetings (freedom of association) are one of the core ideas of liberal democracy. While having the resources to construct the public opinion, the public commenter's limit the possibilities for other opposing doctrines to appear and act - allowing us to make a conclusion that pluralism is not appreciated. The dominant discourse implies ideas about negative consequences for the liberal and civil society's development.

Civil society is a necessity without which democracy can turn into political technocracy. The neoliberal ideology faces new challenges forcing a rethink underlying the individual and the state and free media and its activity and specificity. We encounter a vivid problem when a group of people who own the media resources have all the tools to shape the public opinion according to their demands. Public commentators become the subjects of public opinion when they analyze the current events. The discourse which is created by these people has suggestibility, subjectivism and ideological style thus creating and having influence on the public opinion. This factor led to more closely analyze the Lithuanian media commentators public discourse in the context of civil initiatives and to evaluate the influence of the discourse of civil society development, based on the principles of liberal democracy. The object of this work is Lithuanian news agencies "Delfi.lt", "15min", "Lrytas.lt", and "lrt.lt" commentator's publications related to the mass initiatives of "supermarket boycott" and "protests against the new Labour Code" which both happened in 2016. The paper examines discreditation of civil initiatives, as one of the attributes of a liberal democracy, in the public space. In order to examine the problem, there are 5 tasks to fallow: (1) to discuss the main features of the collective activities of liberal democracy; (2) to assess the media as a political tool of communication to the public knowledge; (3) to disclosure the selected social initiatives characteristics; (4) to perform selected media portals public commentators publications qualitative discourse analysis, highlighting the main findings; (5) to assess the dominant media portals statements by liberal democratic criteria and assessing the significance of the discourse for civil society. The qualitative discourse analysis method was used for the analyzed problem. A structured interview was also used as a method which helped to disclose and assess the positions of the online media commentators for the relevant civil initiatives. The research revealed that the initiative "supermarket boycott" attempted not only to use its collective action resources to change the market prices but to have solidarity with the most vulnerable social groups as well. Meanwhile the protesters against the new Labour Code were holding a position against the bill thus creating resonance within the society and contributing to the growth of the protest culture in Lithuania. The discourse of the public commentators in the public space assessing the civil and social initiatives opposes the liberal democracy principals where free people meetings (freedom of association) are one of the core ideas of liberal democracy. While having the resources to construct the public opinion, the public commenter's limit the possibilities for other opposing doctrines to appear and act - allowing us to make a conclusion that pluralism is not appreciated. The dominant discourse implies ideas about negative consequences for the liberal and civil society's development.

Civil society is a necessity without which democracy can turn into political technocracy. The neoliberal ideology faces new challenges forcing a rethink underlying the individual and the state and free media and its activity and specificity. We encounter a vivid problem when a group of people who own the media resources have all the tools to shape the public opinion according to their demands. Public commentators become the subjects of public opinion when they analyze the current events. The discourse which is created by these people has suggestibility, subjectivism and ideological style thus creating and having influence on the public opinion. This factor led to more closely analyze the Lithuanian media commentators public discourse in the context of civil initiatives and to evaluate the influence of the discourse of civil society development, based on the principles of liberal democracy. The object of this work is Lithuanian news agencies "Delfi.lt", "15min", "Lrytas.lt", and "lrt.lt" commentator's publications related to the mass initiatives of "supermarket boycott" and "protests against the new Labour Code" which both happened in 2016. The paper examines discreditation of civil initiatives, as one of the attributes of a liberal democracy, in the public space. In order to examine the problem, there are 5 tasks to fallow: (1) to discuss the main features of the collective activities of liberal democracy; (2) to assess the media as a political tool of communication to the public knowledge; (3) to disclosure the selected social initiatives characteristics; (4) to perform selected media portals public commentators publications qualitative discourse analysis, highlighting the main findings; (5) to assess the dominant media portals statements by liberal democratic criteria and assessing the significance of the discourse for civil society. The qualitative discourse analysis method was used for the analyzed problem. A structured interview was also used as a method which helped to disclose and assess the positions of the online media commentators for the relevant civil initiatives. The research revealed that the initiative "supermarket boycott" attempted not only to use its collective action resources to change the market prices but to have solidarity with the most vulnerable social groups as well. Meanwhile the protesters against the new Labour Code were holding a position against the bill thus creating resonance within the society and contributing to the growth of the protest culture in Lithuania. The discourse of the public commentators in the public space assessing the civil and social initiatives opposes the liberal democracy principals where free people meetings (freedom of association) are one of the core ideas of liberal democracy. While having the resources to construct the public opinion, the public commenter's limit the possibilities for other opposing doctrines to appear and act - allowing us to make a conclusion that pluralism is not appreciated. The dominant discourse implies ideas about negative consequences for the liberal and civil society's development.

Anti-globalist riots in Seattle in 1999 & the global anti-war demonstrations in 2003 not only made their way to the news headlines, but also received renewed academic attention. This article seeks to outline the differences between the traditional social movements & the new social movements. The first part of the article addresses the definition & classification issues of social movements. It also presents a comparison of three theoretical approaches (rational choice, Marxism & social constructivism) towards the phenomenon of social movement. The author concludes, that advocates of all three approaches present certain valuable insights on the causes & effects of this phenomenon. The second chapter of the article outlines presents trends & problems in the research of the social movements. It is argued that researchers of this subject face basically the same problems as all social scientists, first of the problems of comparability & the limits of qualitative methods. On the other it is assessed that new tools of quantitative analysis, information technologies significantly enhance the possibilities of research. By combining different theoretical approaches the author then seeks to outline the criteria of what could be the constitutive elements of the new social movements as opposed to the traditional ones. It is concluded that the new social movements can only exist in the postmodern or post-materialist societies where the questions of physical survival or national liberation are replaced by the questions of quality of life & self-expression. The new movements are also transnational in nature & their goals are usually universal (ecology, peace, rights of animals) rather than national (independence) or individual (employment, salary etc.). The new movements mobilize around collective identity & common values while the traditional movements mobilize around common goals of social or economic changes. The organization mode of the new movements is usually horizontal & the role of the leaders is rather limited while in the case of traditional movements the organization structure is strictly hierarchical & the role of the leader is essential. Finally the new movements are less prone to violence & rely more on the new technologies of communication & information. Building on the criteria outlined in the second part of the article, the final chapter discusses the case of Lithuania. It is concluded that the number & activities of the new social movements in Lithuania are very scarce. The most significant among such movements is the feminist movement, which is indeed rather active, & even have established ties with international feminist network. Traditional movements (in particular farmers, nationalists & neo-nazists, are still abundant in Lithuania. The authors argues that such imbalance between traditional & new movements could be a cause for concern as the number & activity of the new social movements is a good indicator of the maturity of the civil society in a country. The conclusion of the article reiterates the importance to continue the research of the phenomenon of the social movements. The warning of Ortega Y Gaset voiced in 1932 about the danger of the masses that have the supreme power in their hands is still relevant. Adapted from the source document.

Contemporary political scientists argue that citizens of established democracies engage in the activities of political participation more actively than the ones of new democracies. However, little is known about the extent of such a difference, therefore, the paper attempts to quantify it by comparing the activeness of political participation in a new democracy – Lithuania, and in an established one – Germany. The margin of the difference presumed is determined by utilizing a descriptive statistical analysis method while comparing three forms of political participation in the analyzed countries: voting, protests, and membership in political parties. The article finishes by putting the differences in the activity of political participation in concrete numbers, and is concluded with the following statement: Germans are voting more often, however, Lithuanian citizens protest more frequently, and join political parties more actively than the German ones.

Contemporary political scientists argue that citizens of established democracies engage in the activities of political participation more actively than the ones of new democracies. However, little is known about the extent of such a difference, therefore, the paper attempts to quantify it by comparing the activeness of political participation in a new democracy – Lithuania, and in an established one – Germany. The margin of the difference presumed is determined by utilizing a descriptive statistical analysis method while comparing three forms of political participation in the analyzed countries: voting, protests, and membership in political parties. The article finishes by putting the differences in the activity of political participation in concrete numbers, and is concluded with the following statement: Germans are voting more often, however, Lithuanian citizens protest more frequently, and join political parties more actively than the German ones.