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Actualizado en abril de 2021 ; Using Facebook's release in a given language as an exogenous source of variation in access to social media where the language is spoken, we show that Facebook has had a significant and sizable positive impact on citizen protests. By exploiting variation in a large sample of countries during close to 15 years and combining both aggregate and individual-level data, we confirm the external validity of previous research documenting this effect for specific contexts along a number of dimensions: geographically, by regime type, temporally, and by the socioeconomic characteristics of both countries and social media users. We find that \coordination" effects that rest on the \social" nature of social media play an important role beyond one-way information transmission, including a \liberation effect" produced by having a direct outlet to voice opinions and share them with others. Finally, we explore the broader political consequences of increased Facebook access, helping assess the welfare consequences of the increase in protests. On the negative side, we find no effects on regime change, democratization or governance. To explain this result, we show there are no effects on other political engagements, especially during critical periods, and that social media access also helps mobilize citizens against opposition groups, especially in less democratic areas. On the positive side, we find that Facebook access decreases internal con ict, with evidence that this re ects increased visibility deterring violence and that social media and the resulting protests help voice discontents that might otherwise turn more violent.

Resumen: En este trabajo se realiza un recorrido por la idea de protesta a lo largo de tres dimensiones. En primer lugar, se trata la relación de la protesta con la ley (incluyendo aquí el problema de la desobediencia civil y de la tensión entre legalidad y legitimidad). En segundo lugar, se aborda el papel político de la contestación social en el funcionamiento de las sociedades democráticas. En tercer lugar, se analiza el problema del populismo punitivo y las políticas represivas en el contexto de sociedades fuertemente marcadas por la desigualdad, la pobreza y la conflictividad social.Palabras clave: Protesta, desobediencia, democracia, legalidad, legitimidad.Abstract: In this article, the idea of protest is approached along three dimensions. First, it deals with the relationship between protest and law (with particular attention to the problem of civil disobedience and the tension between legality and legitimacy). Secondly, the political role of social contestation in the functioning of democratic societies is addressed. Finally, the problem of punitive populism and repressive policies is analyzed in the context of societies strongly marked by inequality, poverty and social conflict.Keywords: Protest, disobedience, democracy, legality, legitimacy.

The following article presents a series of hypotheses to analyze the possible transitions between protest and civil war and their relation to inequality. To do so, the article presents an analysis on the emergence of protests and its relation with the increase in inequality across the world. This increase in inequality can in fact lead to social unrest, instability and in some cases facilitate the emergence of future armed conflicts. Thus this scenario of increased inequality presents different possible trajectories: 1) protest generated by inequality can escalate into civil conflicts and civil war, or 2) protest generated by inequality can facilitate processes of participation and democratic consolidation. The possibility of either of these transitions taking place is defined by the structural conditions that define the interactions between protestors and authorities in particular settings.

Over the past few years, new forms of socialization of politics throughsocial media have found expression in collective mobilizations. The paperexamines the case of the recent uprisings in Brazil. It presents the results ofa qualitative research carried out between June 2013 and June 2015, withfocus on the actors involved, their reasons to participate, as well as thecontinuity of their action. Three research tools were used in the study: socialmedia mapping, an online survey and interviews with activists. The findingsgive credit to the existence of a connective logic on the social networks, asthey illustrate that what attracted the masses in June 2013 was mainly the'event of a protest'. Nevertheless, political engagement was found toincrease in smaller circles, among groups of youth who got involved duringthe uprisings, and are motivated by the idea of a political resistance up topresent days.

Resumen del libro "Mobilizing democracy: globalization and citizen protest", de Paul Almeida

Published: 30 July 2016 ; 15M mobilizations represent the most relevant events of a broader cycle of collective actions against austerity and the political status quo in the context of recession. This contribution introduces and explores an original dataset collected through protest event analysis conducted for Spain between 2007 and 2015. It allows us to pin down the longitudinal fluctuations of political contention over this period. Based on it, a chronology of the cycle of protest is established ; moreover, the temporal dynamics of some aspects related to protests are analyzed, such as protest participants, organizers, levels of disruption, evolution of claims and territorial distribution.

In this essay I propose a political-conceptual grammar, an interpretive framework to rethink the changing dynamics of what wenormally call "social movements," emphasizingfeminisms in movement and seeking to understand their recent expressions of / in protest. My reflections are mainly based on my immersion in activism and the feminist academy in Brazil, as well as in the longitudinal and virtual ethnographic work that I have been doing for several years on various feminisms, social movements, NGOs, activism networks, anti-globalizationmovements, and protests in the last decade in Brazil and other parts of LatinAmerica. ; En este ensayo propongo una gramática político-conceptual, un marco interpretativo para repensar las dinámicas cambiantes de lo que normalmente denominamos "movimientos sociales," haciendo énfasis en los feminismos en movimiento y buscando entender sus recientes expresiones de/en protesta. Mis reflexiones se basan principalmente en mi inmersión en el activismo y la academia feminista en Brasil, así como en el trabajo etnográfico longitudinal y virtual que vengo realizando hace varios años sobre diversos feminismos, movimientos sociales, ONGs, redes de activismo, movimientos antiglobalización, y protestas en la última década en Brasil y otras partes de América Latina.

During 2019, a wave of social outbreaks was precipitated in several Latin American countries, a good part simultaneously. What do the two have in common from the point of view of the protest actions they involve? In this work I propose to answer this question by considering the mobilizations in Haiti, Ecuador, Puerto Rico, Bolivia, Chile and Colombia. The general assumption is that despite the contextual and circumstantial differences, the dynamics are reproduced due to motives and processes. The analysis is based on journalistic reports from different media and is supported by assumptions from the theory of social mobilization, political science and philosophy. The objective is to elaborate a brief, mediate and current explanation of the social protest in the region, given its validity. ; Durante 2019 se precipitó una ola de estallidos sociales en varios países de América Latina, buena parte de ellos en simultáneo. ¿Qué tienen en común unos y otros desde el punto de vista de las acciones de protesta que implican? En este trabajo me propongo responder a este interrogante considerando las movilizaciones de Haití, Ecuador, Puerto Rico, Bolivia, Chile y Colombia. El supuesto general es que pese a las diferencias contextuales y circunstanciales las dinámicas se reproducen a razón de los motivos y procesos. El análisis se basa en los informes periodísticos de diferentes medios y se apoya en presupuestos de la teoría de la movilización social, de la ciencia política y de la filosofía. El objetivo es elaborar una explicación breve, mediata y actual, de la protesta social en la región, dada su vigencia.

The Spanish government's 'Ley Organica de Universidades' (which entailed a controversial reorganisation of Higher Education in Spain) provoked widespread protest towards the end of 2001. The reaction in Galicia was especially notable for the number of people involved, & the degree & intensity of their protests. In this essay I examine the key factors behind the strong reaction in Galicia, using three classic theories in the study of the collective action: mobilization of resources, political opportunity & frame analysis.

En el contexto de la emergencia global de la cuarta ola del feminismo, este artículo analiza la irrupción de colectivas de mujeres jóvenes que actúan principalmente a través de la protesta social y el ciberactivismo. En los últimos años, estas colectivas han roto el silencio sobre la gravedad de la violencia contra las mujeres en México, y han logrado influir en la opinión pública, la agenda política y en la de los medios de comunicación. Este texto examina las dinámicas específicas de protesta mediante la descripción de dos coyunturas de movilización masiva, la primera en agosto de 2019 y la segunda, en fe- brero de 2020. En particular se revisa la forma como las movilizaciones se fueron intensificando y amplificando por la reacción hostil de los discursos institucionales y los mensajes en las redes sociales. Se sostiene que la energía y el enfoque del activismo feminista contemporáneo en México proviene de una doble indignación: la rabia ante la epidemia de violencia contra la mujer se intensifica por una mayor violencia institucional, en forma de discursos públicos hostiles, revictimizantes y antifeministas. De esta manera, el artículo documenta el reciente activismo feminista, al tiempo que explica la particular dinámica política del feminismo de cuarta ola en el país.

Considering the relationship between new social media and youth political actions, the purpose of this article is to describe the use of Facebook during the 2011 Chilean student movement, through a content and textual analysis of Facebook's page of the Student Federation of the University of Chile (FECH). In 2011, Chile experienced massive mobilizations for seven months. These were perhaps the most important social protests in Chile's recent history, where young people played a leading role in the discussion over education. During these events, Facebook was one of the digital social networks most widely used by the mobilized organizations. In FECH's case, it utilized Facebook mainly to call for protest actions, to highlight the achievements of the movement, and to indicate their opponents. However, most of the content published on this Facebook page was produced by traditional media, demonstrating that conventional communication strategies of social movements are interrelated with new innovative practices. Therefore, this article rejects technological determinism, because it does not recognize the complex characteristics of student and youth movements.

This paper examines the current situation of the right to protest in Colombia. Although the protest has increased in recent years, also it has made the repression. It has created a poor environment for the exercise of this right. It can be explained by short-term government strategies to contain the protest cycle. Likewise, by structural factors such as limitations imposed by the armed conflict, counterinsurgency doctrines and state policies inherited from the Cold War, a punitive legal framework and a model of police to control the protests more intensively in force ; Este trabajo examina la situación actual del derecho a la protesta en Colombia. Aunque la protesta ha aumentado en los últimos años, también lo ha hecho la represión, configurando un ambiente precario para el ejercicio de este derecho que se explica por las estrategias coyunturales del gobierno para contener el ciclo de protesta, pero también por factores estructurales como las limitaciones que impone el conflicto armado, las doctrinas y políticas contrainsurgentes del Estadoheredadas de la Guerra Fría, un marco jurídico punitivo y un modelo de contención policial de la protesta intensivo en fuerza.

This article aims to analyze the militarization of justice and state response to social protest in two periods in the history of Colombia's civil and military dictatorship (1949 - 1957) and the National Front (1958-1974). To do this, we study the evolution of military criminal justice in relation to two crucial aspects, namely, the criminalization of the strike as a political offense and the trial of civilians in military courts reasoned expressions of social discontent. ; Este artículo tiene como objetivo analizar la militarización de la justicia como respuesta estatal a la protesta social en dos períodos de la historia de Colombia: la dictadura civil y militar (1949 - 1957) y el Frente Nacional (1958 - 1974). Para ello, se estudia la evolución de la justicia penal militar en relación a dos aspectos cruciales, a saber, la penalización de la huelga como delito político y el enjuiciamiento de civiles en cortes marciales motivado en expresiones de inconformidad social.

En este estudio se analiza el papel de las emociones en la protesta política. En los modelos actuales, la ira es la única emoción que se asocia a esas acciones.Sin embargo, los autores creen que no es la única emoción que moviliza a la ciudadanía, por ello afirman que junto a ella deben existir otras de valencia positiva. En este estudio participaron 316 estudiantes universitarios a los que se les preguntó por su intención de movilizarse en contra de los recortes en educación. Los resultados muestran que la ira correlaciona de manera significativa con las emociones positivas. Además el análisis de mediación muestra la relevancia de las emociones positivas para explicar las intenciones de protesta y que la influencia de la ira sobre la intención de participar se realiza fundamentalmente a través de las emociones positivas. Se discute el papel de las emociones y la necesidad de ampliar los motivos de participación. ; This study analyses the role played by emotions in protest. In the current explanatory models, anger is the sole emotion associated with these actions. But is anger the only motive capable of mobilising citizens to defend a cause? We believe not. Hence, we postulate that anger, along with other emotions of positive valence, must act jointly to facilitate protest. To test this hypothesis, a questionnaire was applied to 316 university students in a setting of cut-backs in education. The results highlight several interesting aspects. Firstly, anger correlated significantly and positively with the positive emotions. Secondly, the mediation analysis performed showed: a) the relevance of positive emotions for explaining the intention to participate; and b) the influence of anger on the intention to participate is fundamentally through positive emotions. We will also discuss the role of emotions and the need to extend the motives involved in political actions.