Suchergebnisse

In diesem Aufsatz argumentiere ich, dass die soziale Zuschreibung von Protesten ein entscheidendes Moment in der sozialen Konstruktion sozialer Bewegungen darstellt. Dieser Aspekt ist in der Literatur nicht ausreichend behandelt worden. Dies zeige ich mittels der Diskussion dreier Traditionen – dem politischen Prozessmodell, der Systemtheorie und der kulturellen Pragmatik – auf: Um dieser geringen Aufmerksamkeit zu begegnen, entwickle ich eine Konzeptualisierung von Zuschreibungsprozessen, die zwei Teilprozesse der Konstruktion von Bewegungsprotesten unterscheidet: Protestofferten und Protestrezeption. Ich diskutiere dieses Konzept an zwei relevanten Kontexten, in denen Proteste gesellschaftlich konstruiert werden: bewegungsbezogene Gegenöffentlichkeiten und massenmediale Öffentlichkeiten. Mein Plädoyer dafür, die kommunikative Konstruktion von Bewegungsprotesten als soziologisches Forschungsthema ernst zu nehmen, mündet in der Entwicklung eines konzeptionellen Rahmens für zukünftige Forschung. In this paper, I argue that the social attribution of protests to social movements is a crucial moment in the social construction of social movements. This issue has not yet been sufficiently addressed in theory and research. I demonstrate this shortcoming by discussing three theoretical frameworks: The political process model, systems theory and cultural pragmatics. In order to address this gap, I develop a conceptualization of attribution processes that distinguishes two sub-processes of the construction of movement protests: protest messages and protest reception. Furthermore, I discuss two relevant contexts in which protests are socially constructed: movement-related counter-public spheres and mass media public spheres. I plead for taking the communicative construction of movement protests as a research topic seriously. To this end, I develop a conceptual framework for future research.

Whereas protests have been discussed predominantly in terms of collective action issues, achieving coordination does not always guarantee success. Protest groups must also back their demands with sufficient threats. Some assert that threats are enhanced by the mobilization of more resources. Yet this conventional wisdom fails to explain why not all large-scale protests win government concessions or why some protest groups spend resources on their organizational infrastructure even though it will not inflict immediate damage on the government. Formalizing protest in a bargaining model, I show that investing in organizational infrastructure improves the impact of protest groups' threats by lowering the probability that a counter-protest will offset the impact of the original protest.

Whereas protests have been discussed predominantly in terms of collective action issues, achieving coordination does not always guarantee success. Protest groups must also back their demands with sufficient threats. Some assert that threats are enhanced by the mobilization of more resources. Yet this conventional wisdom fails to explain why not all large-scale protests win government concessions or why some protest groups spend resources on their organizational infrastructure even though it will not inflict immediate damage on the government. Formalizing protest in a bargaining model, I show that investing in organizational infrastructure improves the impact of protest groups' threats by lowering the probability that a counter-protest will offset the impact of the original protest.

Includes bibliographical references (leaves 87-93). ; This study investigates the willingness of Zimbabweans to use protest participation as an alternative route to the democratisation of Zimbabwe. A set of theoretical determinants from the literature are tested against individual reports of protest participation usmg the Afrobarometer survey: Round 3. Explanations include economic, political, cultural, cognitive and collective action factors. The evidence from this study reveals that, while conventional wisdom would associate protest with the economically insecure, the unemployed and individuals who belong to the working class, in Zimbabwe protest potential is high among the urbanised, the young, professionals, educated and the economically secure. The study raises questions about the efficacy of the strategies of civil society and opposition in Zimbabwe to mobilise protest Zimbabweans, despite being marginalised and confronted with the most severe crisis, are not inclined to push for economic and political transformation.

Digital photograph diptych of political protesters. Presented as part of the 2020 Annual Student Exhibit in the Berman Museum of Art at Ursinus College. ; https://digitalcommons.ursinus.edu/asae_images/1062/thumbnail.jpg

"Dem Beitrag liegt ein Vortrag zugrunde, den der Autor während der Studierendenproteste im Herbst 2009 im Audimax der Friedrich-Alexander-Universität Erlangen-Nürnberg gehalten hat. Gegenstand der Rede waren die Forderungen der Studierenden und deren Inkonsistenz, Widersprüchlichkeit und Undurchdachtheit. Für diesen Beitrag wurde die Rede in Textform überarbeitet sowie ein Resümee der seither beschlossenen oder geplanten Veränderungen gezogen. Und letzteres fällt erwartungsgemäß noch schwärzer aus als vor den Protesten. Die Studierenden bekommen alles, was sie gefordert haben - aber sicher nicht in der intendierten Form." (Autorenreferat)

Protests often indicate social states of emergency. The Gezi protests, in which people from various social, political, and class backgrounds went to the streets to voice their dissent, reflected a state of emergency in Turkey. Young people, often referred to as members of the country's post-1980 apolitical generation within public discourse, unexpectedly gathered on the streets and acted as the frontrunners of this mass movement. Their way of protesting through creative performances and humor effectively increased their visibility. Drawing upon the concept of emergency, and guided by a cultural performative approach, this article focuses on young people's experiences of protest. It is a study of the reasons and meanings behind young people's participation in the protests, as well as of values such as trust, solidarity, and collectivity upon which their action was grounded. My findings are based on qualitative field research, i. e., in-depth interviews conducted with young participants of the Gezi protests in İstanbul. The investigation is driven by the questions of how young people describe the notion of the political in relation to trust, solidarity, and collectivity, and how these diverse ways of describing the political through practices foreshadow a new understanding of the political.

This paper explores the spillover of protests across countries using data on nonviolent and spontaneous demonstrations for 200 countries from 2000 to 2020. Using an autoregressive spatial model, the analysis finds strong evidence of "contagious protests," with a catalyzing role of social media. In particular, social media penetration in the source and destination of protests leads to protest spillovers between countries. There is evidence of parallel learning between streets of nations alongside the already documented learning between governments.