Tekst se zasniva na rezultatima empirijskog istraživanja koje je realizovano na uzorku učesnika beogradskog Protesta 96/97. Prezentovani nalazi istraživanja odnose se na sociodemografske karakteristike učesnika Protesta, njihov politički profil, karakter protesta, odnosno zahteve koje ističu demonstranti, kao i na njihovo ponašanje za vreme Protesta. ; The text is based on the results of an empirical survey an a sample of participants in the Belgrade 96/97 Protest. The research findings presented here relate to the socio-demographic characteristics of protest participants, their political profile, nature of the protest, i.e. demands put forward by the demonstrators, as well as their behavior during the Protest.
An das Auftreten der Protestbewegung knüpften sich unterschiedliche Erwartungen hinsichtlich der Zukunft der westlichen Demokratie. Kritiker der Neuen Sozialen Bewegungen sahen in der wachsenden Disposition zum politischen Protest ein Anzeichen von Anomie, Entfremdung und eines Zerfalls des politischen Konsenses. Dem stand die Vorstellung von den Neuen Sozialen Bewegungen als Vorboten einer neuen partizipativen Demokratie gegenüber, in der die Herrschaft der verkrusteten bürokratischen Apparate durch eine direkte Selbstregierung des Volkes abgelöst würde. Beide Positionen halten einer empirischen Prüfung nicht stand. Die Befürchtungen der Kritiker sind überzogen, weil sich die Protestbewegung keineswegs als Kristallisationskem einer entfremdeten, antidemokratischen Subkultur darstellt. Auch die Hoffnungen auf eine grundlegende Systemtransformation durch die Protestbewegung beruhen auf einer Überschätzung ihrer Mobilisierungskapazität und gehen von empirisch unhaltbaren Vorstellungen über die Einstellungskorrelate des politischen Protestes aus.
Protest, now ubiquitous in advanced industrialized societies, has become a useful window for examining all sorts of broader political phenomena. Using event data from newspaper reports, we trace protest by Vietnamese Americans over the past 26 years as a means to assess political incorporation. By looking at the issues, tactics, and development of protest within the Vietnamese American community, we get a sense of the development and incorporation of that community. We find that protest, particularly in the form of demonstrations, is a common form of making claims among Vietnamese-Americans, and that the issues expressed are primarily about foreign policy, directed toward the old homeland, rather than domestic political concerns. It is not clear whether mobilization on homeland issues provides a foundation for subsequent political mobilization on domestic issues, or whether it serves as a distraction from it.
An outside rally at the Carnegie Mellon university (CMU) campus took place November 9, 1994. The action was called to protest a recent administration decision to ban students from gaining access to certain Internet news groups that contain materials school officials deem pornographic. CMU officials maintain that their decision was necessary to comply with a Pennsylvania law dealing with obscenity. "Our official policy is to obey the law." said Bill Arms, vice president for Computing Services. "There are bboards out there that are used to display sexually explicit material." A letter on behalf of the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) addressed to CMU president Robert Mehrabian explains that the "University's plan is inconsistent with the principles of academic freedom and free speech . and is based on serious misreading of relevant laws." Comparing the Internet to campus libraries, which are exempt from the state's obscenity laws, the ACLU letter notes, "A library free from government control is an essential component of a vibrant university."
The Andrew P. Wood papers, 1987-2014 (bulk, 1988-1990) consist of flyers, newspaper clippings, correspondence, t-shirts, bumper stickers, as well as extensive materials relating to the Atlanta chapter of ACT/UP. Most of the materials cover protests to highlight the plight of the gay community during the height of the AIDS crisis. ; Andrew Wood is a graphic designer and gay activist. Born in Atlanta in 1962, the son of two doctors, Wood's early years were filled with art, books, and culture. He attended public schools in Dekalb County and worked in public radio. In 1980, Wood moved to San Francisco for art school and to join the thriving gay organization, the Sisters of Perpetual Indulgence. This charitable group of gay men dressed in nuns habits performed activism and street theater informed with the pagan spirituality of the Radical Faerie movement. While in San Francisco, Wood experienced the AIDS epidemic which caused him to return to Atlanta. After the Democratic National Convention in 1988, he and a handful of fellow protesters started an Atlanta Chapter of ACT/UP. ACT/UP practiced aggressive tactics, civil disobedience, and direct action to bring attention to the plight of AIDS sufferers. Wood moved to New Orleans in 1990 and stayed there until 2004 when he returned to Atlanta to care for his elderly mother.
The Andrew P. Wood papers, 1987-2014 (bulk, 1988-1990) consist of flyers, newspaper clippings, correspondence, t-shirts, bumper stickers, as well as extensive materials relating to the Atlanta chapter of ACT/UP. Most of the materials cover protests to highlight the plight of the gay community during the height of the AIDS crisis. ; Andrew Wood is a graphic designer and gay activist. Born in Atlanta in 1962, the son of two doctors, Wood's early years were filled with art, books, and culture. He attended public schools in Dekalb County and worked in public radio. In 1980, Wood moved to San Francisco for art school and to join the thriving gay organization, the Sisters of Perpetual Indulgence. This charitable group of gay men dressed in nuns habits performed activism and street theater informed with the pagan spirituality of the Radical Faerie movement. While in San Francisco, Wood experienced the AIDS epidemic which caused him to return to Atlanta. After the Democratic National Convention in 1988, he and a handful of fellow protesters started an Atlanta Chapter of ACT/UP. ACT/UP practiced aggressive tactics, civil disobedience, and direct action to bring attention to the plight of AIDS sufferers. Wood moved to New Orleans in 1990 and stayed there until 2004 when he returned to Atlanta to care for his elderly mother.
"Afternoon session opens debate on World Bank (WB) and International Monetary Fund (IMF) intiated land mobilisation programme. Students express concern about the Government being used by the two monetary organisations to "sell" Papua New Guinea to foreign developers. By the end of the day, students declared war on the WB and IMF!"
Presented in November, 1991, at a conference on "Christianity and Democracy" convened at Emory University Law School with co-sponsorship of Pew Trust and the Association for Public Justice. The title was assigned to Yoder. Corrected at numerous points thanks to counsel from R. Rodes.
We describe and analyse the fuel protests in the UK in September and November 2000. We draw on theories of social movements to explain the success of the first of these protests and the failure of the second. We show how the loose, network forms of organisation contributed to the success in September, and the attempts to impose more formal organisations helped to cause the failure in November. We also show how the success of the protests depended on the articulation of the aims of the protestors with dominant social forces in British politics, in particular the oil companies, the police, and the mass media.
Relatively little theoretical work is currently being produced by Western "Leftists" on committed protest culture. Simultaneously and not by chance, Western Marxism has drifted increasingly away from solidarity with the concept and practice of the vanguard party and toward a more or less easy compact with the problematic of poststructuralism and postmodernity. This relative paucity of discussion of commitment and protest stands in significant relationship to two critical moments: first, a powerful, overtheorized tradition of Western Marxist debate about commitment and protest (Benjamin, Sartre, Barthes, Marcuse, Adorno, among others); second, a wide-spread, undertheorized work-a-day practice of "traditional" liberal (and not so liberal) academic research and pedagogy. Yet both Western Marxism and supposedly neutral scholarship in fact constitute an unacknowledged consensus: "the order of bourgeois protest." This consensus has monopolized discussion in the West of committed protest and has worked to obviate the issue of commitment to the party. The essay at hand attempts, from the perspective of Marxist-Leninism (Marx, Engels, Lenin, Gramsci, among others) to investigate and settle accounts with the order of bourgeois protest and, hence, to investigate and settle accounts with part of the prehistory of current "Leftist" sterility and impotence in the pressing matter of (cultural) politics.
Peaceful acts of protest are relatively common in popular Australian sports and entertainment. Traditionally, protest has been regulated through criminal and adjunct summary offences or policing legislation. Trends in corporate governance and state-sponsored event management have significant implications for individual and collective rights of protest at popular domestic and international events. In reviewing prominent incidents of protest and the evolution of public order laws in Victoria and New South Wales, this article highlights the complexity and contradictions underpinning the regulation of protest at major entertainment venues, and examines the impact of recent legislative reforms facilitating professional corporate event management.
In this Article, I discuss the Alden Trilogy's interpretive process and its redistribution of political power, but do not linger on either. This Article is written in praise of the Trilogy, but praise coupled with protest. I make three essential points. First, the Trilogy deserves praise as a pragmatic masterpiece. Through it the Court shrewdly avoided a constitutional quagmire that easily could have created a federalism crisis. Second, I argue that the Alden Trilogy is an exemplar of misdirection. Here I render reluctant praise, like that given to an opposing baseball team's dramatic double-play. Though one dislikes the outcome, one cannot deny the skill just witnessed. In this regard, I show that through its deft deployment of state sovereign immunity doctrine, the Supreme Court has enhanced its own power as well as that of the federal Executive Branch to the detriment of Congress's lawmaking power. Moreover, although the Trilogy focuses on Congress's remedial authority, it thwarts Congress's substantive lawmaking capacity. Third, I show that the Trilogy has a dark side. Today, no individual can bring a damage action in any court against an unconsenting state to enforce federal statutory rights enacted pursuant to Congress's Article I powers.2" This situation creates a profoundly disquieting enforcement gap that threatens to undermine the rule of law values in our constitutional scheme, particularly the principle that for every right there ought to be a remedy. To situate this Article's praise and protest of the Alden Trilogy doctrinally, I begin with an abridged summary of the federalism developments of the past several decades, developments that preordained the confrontation that resulted in the Trilogy. Next, I describe the holdings of each Trilogy case, including the interpretive frameworks adopted, and identify unresolved issues generated by these holdings. I then turn to my principal undertaking: consideration of 1) how the Trilogy pragmatically avoided a constitutional crisis; 2) how the three cases masterfully invite attention in one direction while moving the law in another; and 3) how these cases raise rule of law concerns by creating a disjunction between Congress' substantive and remedial authority.
A letter report issued by the General Accounting Office with an abstract that begins "Pursuant to a legislative requirement, GAO provided information on small business bid protests that have been filed in district courts and the United States Court of Federal Claims (COFC) since the Administration Dispute Resolution Act took effect on December 31, 1996, focusing on the: (1) number of bid protest cases filed in the U.S. district courts and COFC between January 1, 1997, and April 30, 1999, that were filed by small businesses, the type of agencies involved, and the amount of the procurement at issue; (2) perceived advantages and disadvantages for small businesses filing bid protest cases in each judicial forum; and (3) characteristics of district court and COFC bid protest cases, particularly those filed by small businesses, that could be used to assess these perceived advantages and disadvantages."
Der Beitrag verfolgt die Kritik am Industriesystem von der Romantik bis zur Gegenwart. Gemeinsame Muster der Kritik werden herausgestellt und Unterschiede in der Motivation und der Stoßrichtung der Antiindustrialisierungsbewegung erläutert. Die Wurzeln der heutigen Ökologiebewegung werden offengelegt und die Hauptkritikpunkte im einzelnen erläutert. Sanfte Technik, duale Wirtschaft, neue Arbeitsinhalte und veränderte Formen des Zusammenlebens, vor allem aber das neue Rollenverständnis von Konsument und Produzent stehen im Vordergrund der Erörterung. Zum Schluß folgt eine Analyse der aktuellen grünen Bewegung verbunden mit einigen Prognosen zur Wirksamkeit und weiteren politischen Zukunft der grünen Partei. ; The following article develops an analytical framework to describe and classify the elements of criticism against industrialization from the early 19th century to the present day in the Federal Republic of Germany. Common clusters of the "back to nature" movements are identified and contrasted with the historical situation. Also the motivation and main targets of the actors involved in the different movements are investigated and explained. The second part of the article focuses on the temporary green movement in Germany. The request for soft technology, alternative economy, organizational innovation in work and consumer behaviour are seen as key aspects in the ecological movement of Germany. In addition to the description of the philosophical roots and origins the basic concept of the green philosophy will be analyzed and the prospects for this new political force in Germany discussed.
I will begin with a brief narrative of the protest and a discussion of my approach; more detailed explication of the claims advanced by refugees and officials in the protests will follow. This explication will highlight the words of those who, in effect, asked the question, "'Who profits from whom in this camp?" The exploration of this question will involve the story of another protest in Nakivale Camp, initiated from within the Somali zone. I will then situate the analysis within the trajectory of current work on the relationship between the global south and north. This analysis will conclude with a discussion of three themes from the protest stories: the role of coping mechanisms" and refugee ingenuity, the ambiguous status accorded to educated refugees and the rhetoric of "equality".
