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The current situation in Zimbabwe under the ZANU-PF government shows increasing signs of abuse of power by those in political control. They also direct their desire to suppress criticism towards the media. Press organs in private ownership have been closed down and journalists have been physically harassed, arrested and expelled. Laws are abused to regulate and manipulate public opinion by a policy of banning. Worldwide condemnation of the growing restrictions upon the freedom of expression goes hand in hand with the protests inside the country against the growing tendencies of totalitarian rule. Current events are critically reflected upon and the background to these developments is summarised in this publication. It is based on some of the contributions to a recent conference on Zimbabwe organised by the Nordic Africa Institute and offers insights into the contested space of public opinion in Zimbabwe. The critical analyses of current developments are there-by complemented with particular reference to the media sector in the ongoing battle for hegemonic control over the public sphere. ; CONTENTS -- Inside the "Third Chimurenga": Media Repression, Manipulationand Hegemony in Zimbabwe - Some Introductory Notes. Henning Melber -- From Rhodesia to Zimbabwe: Change without Change?Broadcasting Policy Reform and Political Control. Dumisani Moyo -- Redefining the National Agenda:Media and Identity - Challenges of Building a New Zimbabwe. Sarah Chiumbu -- Bibliography -- Appendices: -- Resolutions passed by the 53rd General Assembly of the International Press Institute (IPI) in Warsaw/Poland -- Press Release by the World Association of Newspapers (Paris) June 2, 2004

This article describes how a small but vocal group of biomedical scientists propagates the views that either HIV is not the cause of AIDS, or that it does not exist at all. When these views were rejected by mainstream science, this group took its views and arguments into the public domain, actively campaigning via newspapers, radio, and television to make its views known to the lay public. I describe some of the harmful consequences of the group's activities, and ask two distinct ethical questions: what moral obligations do scientists who hold such minority views have with regard to a scientifically untrained lay audience, and what moral obligations do mainstream newspapers and government politicians have when it comes to such views. The latter question will be asked because the "dissidents" succeeded for a number of years in convincing the South African government of the soundness of their views. The consequences of their stance affected millions of HIV infected South Africans severely.

Latina reproduction and fertility have become ground zero in a political war-not just of words, but of public policies and laws. This article builds on a theoretical framework that includes issues of stratified reproduction, which characterize some women as reproductive threats to society. From an examination of the discourse found in 10 national magazines over a 35-year period, beginning in 1965, emerge three interrelated themes concerning Latina reproductive threat: 1) high fertility and population growth: 2) reconquest: and 3) overuse of medical and other social services. The final section examines data on reproduction and fertility collected from Latinas and Anglo women in Orange County, California to explore the "truth claims" associated with Latina reproduction and fertility. The findings suggest that Latinas do not begin sexual activities at a relatively early age nor do they have relatively more sexual partners than Anglo women. Most Latinas have used birth control pills at some point in their lives. Latinas generally have fewer than two children per woman. Mexican-origin women born or raised in the United States had fewer children than adult immigrants, and their differences from Anglo women were insignificant. Ordinary least squares (OLS) regression finds that age, marital status, education, and language acculturation are more important than ethnicity for understanding fertility. © 2004 by the Society for Applied Anthropology.

Latina reproduction and fertility have become ground zero in a political war-not just of words, but of public policies and laws. This article builds on a theoretical framework that includes issues of stratified reproduction, which characterize some women as reproductive threats to society. From an examination of the discourse found in 10 national magazines over a 35-year period, beginning in 1965, emerge three interrelated themes concerning Latina reproductive threat: 1) high fertility and population growth: 2) reconquest: and 3) overuse of medical and other social services. The final section examines data on reproduction and fertility collected from Latinas and Anglo women in Orange County, California to explore the "truth claims" associated with Latina reproduction and fertility. The findings suggest that Latinas do not begin sexual activities at a relatively early age nor do they have relatively more sexual partners than Anglo women. Most Latinas have used birth control pills at some point in their lives. Latinas generally have fewer than two children per woman. Mexican-origin women born or raised in the United States had fewer children than adult immigrants, and their differences from Anglo women were insignificant. Ordinary least squares (OLS) regression finds that age, marital status, education, and language acculturation are more important than ethnicity for understanding fertility. © 2004 by the Society for Applied Anthropology.

Over the past half century the term consumer has gained over that of citizen in designating the adult population of the West. Over the same period, it has also been argued that a number of measures of public discourse have declined. I try to make sense of this trend using a formal model in which public discourse is treated as a collective good that requires time. I show that economic growth is typically associated with reductions in public discourse. Moreover, increases in material welfare can be associated with enough reduction in public discourse so that individual welfare can decline with economic growth.

Paper presented at Speech Communication Association, 1994. Paper is "part of a project of analysis, criticism, and intervention in public discourse".

Der Beitrag vereint zwei Perspektiven auf die Geschichte der Geologie in der Sowjetunion. Die sowjetische Politik hat nicht nur die Profession der Geologen aus einer intellektuellen Randgruppe in ein blühendes Feld angewandter Wissenschaft verwandelt. Die staatliche Ideologie feierte die Kolonisierung der Natur durch die Geologen, die auf eine Stufe mit Kosmonauten und Piloten gestellt wurden. Der herrschende Diskurs definierte Natur als bedeutungslos, solange sie nicht für die Bedürfnisse des Menschen ausgebeutet wurde. Die Alltagserfahrungen der Geologen sahen jedoch anders aus. Nach einem monatelangen Aufenthalt in der natürlichen Umwelt machte die offizielle Doktrin anderen Perspektiven Platz: Beschwernisse und Hunger, unerwartete Begegnungen mit Mensch und Tier, die Suche nach Entdeckungen allen Schwierigkeiten zum Trotz. Geologen genossen die Natur auch als sichtbare Harmonie und fanden sogar eine kleine Nische der Freiheit in der Natur, wenn die Verhaltensregeln der Taiga, Freundschaft und Gastlichkeit, für eine ehrliche Atmosphäre rund um das Lagerfeuer sorgten. Für die sowjetischen Geologen war die Natur nicht einfach die Schatzkammer, die die offizielle Rhetorik beschwor, sondern auch ein Archipel der Freiheit. ; This article combines two perspectives on the history of geology in the Soviet Union. Soviet policy not only transformed the geological profession from a marginal group of intellectuals into a booming field of applied science. State ideology also celebrated the geologists' colonization of nature, putting them on a par with cosmonauts and pilots. The hegemonic discourse defined nature as meaningless unless it was exploited for human needs. However, the geologists' everyday experiences looked remarkably different. During month-long stays in the natural environment, the official doctrine gave way to other perspectives: hardships and starvation, unexpected encounters with men and beasts, and the quest for discoveries in spite of all difficulties. Geologists also enjoyed nature as visual harmony, and even found a small corner of freedom in nature as the 'taiga laws' of behavior, friendship, and hospitality made for an honest atmosphere around the campfire. For Soviet geologists, nature was not simply the 'house of treasures' that official rhetoric cherished but also an archipelago of freedom.

The author argues that the Healthy Communities movement provides public health professionals with an opportunity to become not just community leaders but also agents of change in a broad political sense. Extending the work of Kohlberg and other developmental psychologists, the author describes five levels of civil discourse. Professionals who practice the inclusive, consensus-oriented level of discourse, which is consistent with the philosophy of Healthy Communities, can help reinvigorate civil society and democracy as a part of making their communities healthier.

Defence date: 17 May 1996 ; Examining board: Prof. Klaus Eder, EUI, supervisor ; prof. Bernd Giesen, Justus-Liebig Universität Gießen ; Prof. Christian Joppke, EUI ; Dr. David Morrison, University of Leeds ; Prof. William Outwhaite, University of Sussex ; First made available online: 23 September 2016

This thesis is an exploration of the possibilities of democratising environmental decision-making in Ireland. A specific attempt at enhancing dem ocratic involvement in policy decision-making is analysed. The case study for this analysis is the debate over genetically modified crops and foods. ; TARA (Trinity's Access to Research Archive) has a robust takedown policy. Please contact us if you have any concerns: rssadmin@tcd.ie

Webster's definition of the noun "good" begins: "something that possesses desirable qualities, promotes success, welfare, or happiness, or is otherwise beneficial."' Whether government should promote the good, and in particular whether government should use its powers of persuasion-its "speech," if you will-to promote contested views of the good, is the subject of this Article. I will argue that, as a matter of political theory, government in a liberal democracy not only may pro- mote contested views of the good, but should do so, as well. Further, nothing in our constitutional jurisprudence demands otherwise, assuming certain conditions are met. In taking these positions, I will be opposing those scholars who either argue for a caretaker government or accept government speech only insofar as it establishes the preconditions for citizen autonomy. I will argue, instead, for a thicker "perfectionism."' That is, I will defend government advancement of specific, perhaps contested, conceptions of the good. Moreover, I will be opposing many constitutional theorists who seek to hold government to certain open forum baselines, especially when government places conditions on funded private speech. Instead, if such funding conditions raise no concerns of monopoly, coercion, or ventriloquism on a case by case basis, then the conditions are constitutional.

Notre étude se limite à mettre en évidence, par une approche plutôt empirique, quelques-uns des aspects principaux qui pourraient permettre l'identification, dans le cadre d'une recherche ultérieure de type exploratoire, des caractéristiques et des éléments spécifiques à l'univers du discours public roumain sur le thème de la corruption. En nous rapportant à la Roumanie de la première moitié de l'année 2003, nous nous proposons d'observer les aspects suivants : la délimitation du contexte où se trouve ce type de discours, avec une référence spéciale à des thèmes principaux, aux caractéristiques des participants et des situations communicationnelles définitoires, pour pouvoir ultérieurement mettre en valeur les différentes stratégies et répertoires utilisés par chaque participant au discours, en fonction du contexte, l'identification des types de discours les plus utilisés / dispositifs de communication utilisés par les participants et concernant ce thème, l'énumération des hypothèses possibles de travail et la proposition de types de documents qui se trouvent à la base du corpus, ainsi que des méthodes et techniques qui puissent être utilisées pour une recherche plus ample sur ce discours. Les perspectives que l'on va adopter pour réaliser cette recherche sont : celle de la pragmalinguistique (du rapport entre l'émetteur et le destinataire du message dans le cadre des différentes situations de communication où ils interagissent, de la structuration et de l'élaboration d'un discours ) ; celle de la sociologie (qui essaie de mettre en relation les causes et les effets possibles d'un phénomène social avec la transmission de significations dans le cadre de l'interaction sociale, ou de mettre en valeur l'influence des messages mass media sur l'opinion publique et l'agenda des institutions politiques); celle psychosociale, (qui met en valeur la relation entre la perception d'un phénomène, les significations subjectives associées et les représentations sociales véhiculées ou partagées).

Australian society has been shaped more by immigration and immigrants than most countries in the world today. This paper examines the changes to the character and composition of Australian immigration in the post-1945 period and analyses the impact of these changes on the public discourses and policy responses related to Australian immigration and settlement philosophies and practices in Australia today. It first looks at the Australian immigration experience, and how immigration policy has changed in recent decades as a result of globalisation. It then outlines the changing composition and character of the Australian immigration intake as a consequence of these policy changes, and at the key discourses about Australian immigration that have accompanied these changes. The paper then examines the way in which immigrant settlement or integration policies and practices have changed in light of the impact of globalisation on the political, economic and social climate in Australian society, with a particular emphasis on the debates about Australian multiculturalism. Finally, the paper addresses the new challenges for government policy makers and for decision makers in the private and non-government sectors of Australian society that are a consequence to the changing dynamics of the Australian immigration experience in a changing global world.

In this dissertation it is argued that alcohol problems in Sweden are not strictly an objectivephenomenon, but are largely discursive constructions that have been reconfigured in substantial ways since at least 1910. The empirical work aims to identify and discuss thesereconfigurations. Additionally, a number of consistent features in the ways in which alcoholproblems are defined is presented. Among other things, the Swedish case shows that definitions of the problem and models adopted to describe it, integrate a broad range of socialactors, and encourage consensus. Moreover, these models do not strictly focus on the problematic drinker; they offer scientific support for state intervention into the lives of all members of society. Together these characteristics construct alcohol problems as truly a "social" phenomeonon. Analysis follows a social constructivst approach, recognizing the potential for multipleinterpretations of the problem, which are located in formal collective statements. Six majorconcepts for investigating and analyzing alcohol as a "social problem" are developed: discourse, discursive formation, stories of causality and threat, the dispersion of the problem,the distribution of authority, and the solution complex. These are applied in three relatedstudies. The first study examines medical discourse on alcoholism viewed as disease. Asecond study considers the application and adoption of the "total consumption model" andpublic health approach to alcohol in Sweden within official and scientific discourse. Finally,the author investigates current shifts in these formations within the context of negotiationswith the European Union on Sweden's membership; the study explores the impact of a newdiscourse, originating externally, upon the legitimacy of Swedish approaches. The dissertation ends with several considerations of the implications of the research both for futuredevelopments of the public alcohol discourse in Sweden and for further development of thetheoretical framework presented in the dissertation.

This path-breaking study looks at the nature of contemporary environmental politics, analyzing the emergence and sustenance of institutional perceptions of environmental problems. The book argues that a new perspective-- "ecological modernization", which stresses the opportunities of environmental policy for modernizing the economy and stimulating technological innovation--has come to replace the antagonistic debates of the 1970s.