Suchergebnisse

Across Europe, ethnically diverse neighborhoods figure as key sites in racialized public debates that imagine the nation as white and nonwhite citizens as foreign to the body politic. Drawing on research in Antwerp and Amsterdam, we examine how public discourses come to shape the lives of residents in such iconic sites. We propose the notion of ordinary iconic figures as a way to understand these connections. Ordinary iconic figures represent generic types that populate national narratives and connect the local and the national as well as the individual and larger categories. These figures come into being in public discourses but are taken up beyond the sphere of politics and media. Such ordinary iconic figures offer commonsense frames for understanding urban landscapes, carve out speaking positions, and come to haunt residents' sense of self as iconic shadows. They thereby help transport the inequalities laid out in public discourses into people's everyday lives. [urban anthropology, political anthropology, racialization, iconic figures, Amsterdam, Antwerp, Europe]

The historiography on the Partition of Bengal has tended to see it as a culmination of long term trends Hindu and Muslim communalism within the province. This essay offers a counter narrative to the 'inevitability' of the Partition by focusing on Bengali public discourse in the months leading up to the Partition. The possibility of a division generated a large-scale debate amongst the educated in Bengal and they articulated their views by sending numerous letters to leading newspapers, district political and civic organizations and sometimes published pamphlets for local consumption. A critical examination of this public debate for and against Partition reveals the countdown to August 1947 as a period of multiple possibilities. Understanding the genesis provides the starting point and the necessary corrective to evaluate India's path to post –colonial nationhood.

Applying racial formation theory, this research argues that when the political progressive ideology becomes the status quo, it loses its focus on "reform" and "progress" toward equity. Critical discourse analysis of media texts reveals how the ideology evolved into a "racial project" perpetuating institutional racism. When a moment of racial reckoning is presented to challenge the hegemonic politics in this case study, politicians, journalists, and engaged citizens employ discursive strategies to uncover privileges, call out (dis)trusting relationships, and reclaim the dominant narrative around what reform and progress look like. This work demonstrates how political communication unfolds when a progressively maintained infrastructure is revealed to be a system of oppression and where digital platforms allow for a substantial challenge.

The role of prophetic witness of the churches in the public discourse of modern civil societies is analysed on the basis of three public memorandums of the German Protestant churches on economic questions and their impact on the public. Among the ten systematic conclusions which are drawn from this case study is the importance of the specific context for the role of prophetic statements. The article tries to show how prophetic witness is a necessary element of a public theology, which is not based on fundamental criticism, but develops both critical and constructive perspectives for politics and society. If such public theology is liberation theology for a democratic society it is the task of the church to get involved in the public debate in a 'bilingual' way, that is, on the basis of its biblical-theological sources but at the same time with the ability to engage in the secular language of pluralistic societies. ; http://www.hts.org.za ; hb2015

Latina reproduction and fertility have become ground zero in a political war-not just of words, but of public policies and laws. This article builds on a theoretical framework that includes issues of stratified reproduction, which characterize some women as reproductive threats to society. From an examination of the discourse found in 10 national magazines over a 35-year period, beginning in 1965, emerge three interrelated themes concerning Latina reproductive threat: 1) high fertility and population growth: 2) reconquest: and 3) overuse of medical and other social services. The final section examines data on reproduction and fertility collected from Latinas and Anglo women in Orange County, California to explore the "truth claims" associated with Latina reproduction and fertility. The findings suggest that Latinas do not begin sexual activities at a relatively early age nor do they have relatively more sexual partners than Anglo women. Most Latinas have used birth control pills at some point in their lives. Latinas generally have fewer than two children per woman. Mexican-origin women born or raised in the United States had fewer children than adult immigrants, and their differences from Anglo women were insignificant. Ordinary least squares (OLS) regression finds that age, marital status, education, and language acculturation are more important than ethnicity for understanding fertility. © 2004 by the Society for Applied Anthropology.

Latina reproduction and fertility have become ground zero in a political war-not just of words, but of public policies and laws. This article builds on a theoretical framework that includes issues of stratified reproduction, which characterize some women as reproductive threats to society. From an examination of the discourse found in 10 national magazines over a 35-year period, beginning in 1965, emerge three interrelated themes concerning Latina reproductive threat: 1) high fertility and population growth: 2) reconquest: and 3) overuse of medical and other social services. The final section examines data on reproduction and fertility collected from Latinas and Anglo women in Orange County, California to explore the "truth claims" associated with Latina reproduction and fertility. The findings suggest that Latinas do not begin sexual activities at a relatively early age nor do they have relatively more sexual partners than Anglo women. Most Latinas have used birth control pills at some point in their lives. Latinas generally have fewer than two children per woman. Mexican-origin women born or raised in the United States had fewer children than adult immigrants, and their differences from Anglo women were insignificant. Ordinary least squares (OLS) regression finds that age, marital status, education, and language acculturation are more important than ethnicity for understanding fertility. © 2004 by the Society for Applied Anthropology.

This paper provides a brief overview of Turkey's soft power in Austria through the example of the faith-based public diplomacy institution ATİB (Avusturya Türkiye İslam Birliği' Türkisch-Islamische Union in Österreich), a branch of the Presidency of Religious Affairs of Turkey (Diyanet İşleri Başkanlığı). It addresses the significance of ATİB with regard to the religious and cultural needs of the Turkish Muslim community in Austria and the negative perceptions of Turkey's soft power strategy in this country. The paper also focuses on the current challenges faced by the ATİB, as well as by Austria's Muslim community in general, as a result of the Law on Islam that was adopted in 2015 (Islamgesetz 2015) and the accompanying discussions around Muslim associations financed from abroad. The research design is primarily based on a critical discourse analysis of political and academic debates about the ATİB, the 2015 Islam Law, and their catalyzing effect on Islamophobia in Austria.

Context: Thailand is now facing skilled labour shortages, which has prevented the country from achieving significant economic progress. This paper examines Thailand's vocational education policy discourses from 1992 to 2014 and how such policies were discussed to build the country's skilled labour force. Approach: This study utilised a qualitative approach, using documentation analysis as a key research method. We also used data triangulation and thematic analysis to categorise the public discourses. In order to examine the vocational education policy discourses in Thailand, secondary data such as the five NESD plans (7th, 8th, 9th, 10th, and 11th) and other government policy statements were investigated and triangulated, along with data from newspaper articles, other public documents, reports from international organisations, and academic journal articles. Findings: Based on the findings of the study, we identified three key policy discourses regarding vocational education in Thailand during 1992-2014: (1) increasing the vocational skilled workforce, (2) the minor role of private vocational providers, and (3) collaboration between vocational providers and industry. Conclusion: We argue that there are five key policy themes in building a vocational skilled workforce: (1) the dedication of the government in increasing the quantity of vocational skilled workforce, (2) encouraging collaboration between vocational colleges and industries, (3) fostering a greater role for private vocational providers, (4) promoting a positive reputation for vocational education, and (5) maintaining the continuity of policy implementation. (DIPF/Orig.)

Context: Thailand is now facing skilled labour shortages, which has prevented the country from achieving significant economic progress. This paper examines Thailand's vocational education policy discourses from 1992 to 2014 and how such policies were discussed to build the country's skilled labour force.Approach:This study utilised a qualitative approach, using documentation analysis as a key research method. We also used data triangulation and thematic analysis to categorise the public discourses. In order to examine the vocational education policy discourses in Thailand, secondary data such as the five NESD plans (7th, 8th, 9th, 10th, and 11th) and other government policy statements were investigated and triangulated, along with data from newspaper articles, other public documents, reports from international organisations, and academic journal articles.Findings: Based on the findings of the study, we identified three key policy discourses regarding vocational education in Thailand during 1992-2014: (1) increasing the vocational skilled workforce, (2) the minor role of private vocational providers, and (3) collaboration between vocational providers and industry.Conclusion: We argue that there are five key policy themes in building a vocational skilled workforce: (1) the dedication of the government in increasing the quantity of vocational skilled workforce, (2) encouraging collaboration between vocational colleges and industries, (3) fostering a greater role for private vocational providers, (4) promoting a positive reputation for vocational education, and (5) maintaining the continuity of policy implementation.

Context: Thailand is now facing skilled labour shortages, which has prevented the country from achieving significant economic progress. This paper examines Thailand's vocational education policy discourses from 1992 to 2014 and how such policies were discussed to build the country's skilled labour force.Approach:This study utilised a qualitative approach, using documentation analysis as a key research method. We also used data triangulation and thematic analysis to categorise the public discourses. In order to examine the vocational education policy discourses in Thailand, secondary data such as the five NESD plans (7th, 8th, 9th, 10th, and 11th) and other government policy statements were investigated and triangulated, along with data from newspaper articles, other public documents, reports from international organisations, and academic journal articles.Findings: Based on the findings of the study, we identified three key policy discourses regarding vocational education in Thailand during 1992-2014: (1) increasing the vocational skilled workforce, (2) the minor role of private vocational providers, and (3) collaboration between vocational providers and industry.Conclusion: We argue that there are five key policy themes in building a vocational skilled workforce: (1) the dedication of the government in increasing the quantity of vocational skilled workforce, (2) encouraging collaboration between vocational colleges and industries, (3) fostering a greater role for private vocational providers, (4) promoting a positive reputation for vocational education, and (5) maintaining the continuity of policy implementation.

Context: Thailand is now facing skilled labour shortages, which has prevented the country from achieving significant economic progress. This paper examines Thailand's vocational education policy discourses from 1992 to 2014 and how such policies were discussed to build the country's skilled labour force. Approach:This study utilised a qualitative approach, using documentation analysis as a key research method. We also used data triangulation and thematic analysis to categorise the public discourses. In order to examine the vocational education policy discourses in Thailand, secondary data such as the five NESD plans (7th, 8th, 9th, 10th, and 11th) and other government policy statements were investigated and triangulated, along with data from newspaper articles, other public documents, reports from international organisations, and academic journal articles. Findings: Based on the findings of the study, we identified three key policy discourses regarding vocational education in Thailand during 1992-2014: (1) increasing the vocational skilled workforce, (2) the minor role of private vocational providers, and (3) collaboration between vocational providers and industry. Conclusion: We argue that there are five key policy themes in building a vocational skilled workforce: (1) the dedication of the government in increasing the quantity of vocational skilled workforce, (2) encouraging collaboration between vocational colleges and industries, (3) fostering a greater role for private vocational providers, (4) promoting a positive reputation for vocational education, and (5) maintaining the continuity of policy implementation.

The way people are spoken or written about has a critical role in how they are perceived, and this in turn influences how they are positioned within a society – belonging to its core, the majority, or being relegated to the margins, the minor ity. Various authors have reflected on the role of language in dehumanizing, oppressing, and discriminating certain groups, be it the Jewish citizens during the Nazi regime in Germany, the Tutsi in the Rwandan genocide of 1994, black people in the United States since 1619, women throughout history, or gay and disabled people today, to name a few marginalized groups. In these and other cases, language was the first step in the othering and, consequently, the marginalization of a certain group. The aim of this paper is to explore the language of marginalization in Croatian public discourse, looking at how media workers and public figures contribute to stereotyping people with autism by using the words "autistic" and "autistically" as pejoratives. For this purpose, I analyzed one of the most visited newspaper websites in Croatia in relation to how these words are used. I found that journalists, writers, and politicians use "autistic" and "autistically" as pejora tives when they want to say that an individual, an institution, or a state is "out of touch with reality", "self-centered", "unresponsive". In addition, "autistic" and "autistically" are often used with the intent to insult, thus further imbuing these words with negative connotations. I conclude that raising awareness is needed among media workers and public figures so that they recognize the danger of stereotyping people with autism through the pejorative use of the words "au tistic" and "autistically".

Diese quasi-kumulative Dissertation analysiert die institutionellen und ideellen Herausforderungen von Organisationen im öffentlichen Diskurs. Wissenschaftler mit unterschiedlichen theoretischen Hintergründen schreiben NGOs eine führende Rolle bei der Förderung und Befruchtung öffentlicher Diskurse in demokratischen Gesellschaften zu. Allerdings dokumentiert die empirische Forschung zahlreiche Fälle, in denen NGOs durch kontroverse Kampagnen, den Einsatz verzerrender Framing-Strategien oder eindeutige Fehlinformation der Öffentlichkeit, Diskursversagen Vorschub leisteten. Aufbauend auf dem ordonomischen Forschungsansatz stellt diese Dissertation neue kontra-intuitive Erklärungen für Diskursversagen bereit und skizziert mögliche ideelle und institutionelle Reformansätze. Der erste Artikel identifiziert das Problem von Diskursversagen in dem Fall der öffentlichen Debatte über zwei internationale Handelsabkommen (2015-2017). Der zweite Artikel untersucht bestehende Lösungsansätze, um Diskursversagen zu adressieren. Insbesondere stellt er eine longitudinale Fallstudie (2006-2018) über Accountable Now vor, welche die führende globale Initiative internationaler NGOs ist, um die Effektivität und die kollektive Reputation des NGO-Sektors zu stärken. Der dritte Artikel theorisiert, dass Diskursversagen auf Grund zweier unterschiedlicher sozialer Dilemmata entsteht, die jeweils spezifischer Reformansätze bedürfen. Im Anschluss verbindet die Diskussion die empirischen und theoretischen Beiträge der einzelnen Artikel zu einer ordonomischen Analyse des Diskursversagen im NGO-Sektor. Insgesamt liefert die Dissertation wichtige theoretische Implikationen für die Theorie der deliberativen Demokratie, Rational-Choice Theorie, die Forschung über Rechenschaft von NGOs, und die Selbstregulierung von NGOs in der Praxis ; This quasi-cumulative dissertation analyzes the institutional and ideational challenges of organizations in public discourses. Academic scholars with different theoretical backgrounds assign NGOs a leading role to ...

The way people are spoken or written about has a critical role in how they are perceived, and this in turn influences how they are positioned within a society – belonging to its core, the majority, or being relegated to the margins, the minority. Various authors have reflected on the role of language in dehumanizing, oppressing, and discriminating certain groups, be it the Jewish citizens during the Nazi regime in Germany, the Tutsi in the Rwandan genocide of 1994, black people in the United States since 1619, women throughout history, or gay and disabled people today, to name a few marginalized groups. In these and other cases, language was the first step in the othering and, consequently, the marginalization of a certain group. The aim of this paper is to explore the language of marginalization in Croatian public discourse, looking at how media workers and public figures contribute to stereotyping people with autism by using the words "autistic" and "autistically" as pejoratives. For this purpose, I analyzed one of the most visited newspaper websites in Croatia in relation to how these words are used. I found that journalists, writers, and politicians use "autistic" and "autistically" as pejoratives when they want to say that an individual, an institution, or a state is "out of touch with reality", "self-centered", "unresponsive". In addition, "autistic" and "autistically" are often used with the intent to insult, thus further imbuing these words with negative connotations. I conclude that raising awareness is needed among media workers and public figures so that they recognize the danger of stereotyping people with autism through the pejorative use of the words "autistic" and "autistically".

Having a vibrant media scene is a necessary prerequisite of human development and good governance. Media, as main promoters of economic, but also cultural and thereby overall humanistic values, have to involve permanently in the process of cooperation. How much the contemporary journalism, orientated rather towards the commercialization of life in general, sensationalism and creating wrong criteria of social, accepts or refuses such a role? In media communication, however, the old patterns of misuse of the media and their freedom have not been exterminated. The paper deals with a substantial analysis of moral relativism and media socialization. The solution is not to complain and criticize. We have to admit that the audience of the media users is changing nowadays. The journalism is changing, too. The solution is not to look for the social responsibility of journalism, but of the owners as well. The solution can be found only if they look for it together, following democracy and the development of new media profile, which finds the profit in truth, prosperity and social responsibility. ; Novinar-manirista i nema sopstvenih namera. Odriče se čina stvaralaštva u novinarstvu. Stvaralaštvo zamenjuje fraziranjem. Kloni se svoje mašte. Ponavljanje shema, klišea, šablona jeste intelektualna ravan po kojoj se najčešće kreće. Jezikom se samo ublažavaju stvarne napetosti i lakira stvarnost, u crno ili belo, svejedno. Njegovo nezadovoljstvo postaje groteskno parcijalno kretanje prema lažnim ukrasima. Umesto da se naoruža mudrošću i strpljenjem, novinar se survava u klišetizirane meandre jezika i sa patetičnom upornošću ne suočava se sa pravim problemima. Novinar kao da ne vidi dobro, pa i jezik prilagođava upornom slepilu uvećavajući eufemistička čvorišta svoga jezika. On, najčešće, samo aludira na stvari, ali ih ne čini vidljivim. On traga, ali ređe nalazi. Sumnja, ali ne otkriva do kraja. Deluje po principu istovetnosti, menjajući malo prostor oko sebe. Princip sličnost je njegov trajni poetički moto. Novinar-manirista svuda vidi sličnosti i znake istovetnosti. Za njega sve pojave liče pomalo jedna na drugu. Teško uviđa zapretane veze među stvarima.